Affectivity and resistance: attachment, socioenvironmental changes and capital-place opposition at the city of Galinhos-RN
affectivity; artisanal fishing; tourism; wind power; ethnography
The city of Galinhos has gone through significant transformations in recent years. The
transition from a community organized by artisanal fishing to a tourism-driven one,
catalyzed by the impact of the expansion of a salt industry in the 1980s, and the
implementation of the Rei dos Ventos I wind farm in 2012 had important local impacts
and resistance movements by the population: fishermen manifestation due to saline
expansion; manifestation contrary to the presence of a tour boat of a tourism company
in 2010, and; manifestations contrary to the implementation of the wind farm on the
Capim‟s Dunes, an important place for local tourism. The objective of this study was to
investigate the relationship between residents‟ affective bonds with Galinhos and the
disputes concerning the local social and environmental transformations. As specific
objectives, I sought: (a) to identify the main socio-environmental transformations in
Galinhos and their impact on local ways of life; (b) to investigate residents‟ affections in
relation to such transformations and how these affects participate in the meaning
production about the place; (c) to understand how these meanings are mobilized in the
resistance movements due to socio-environmental transformations. I adopted an
ethnographic approach, living for three months at the place and counting on the
support of two local informants. I described these experiences in 21 field diaries. In
addition, I interviewed 23 residents, focusing on life stories. The corpus‟ analysis was
ontoepistemologically sustained by critical realism, and I used a multilevel analysis,
considering the extradiscursive and discursive levels articulated in the understanding
of the conflicts. The records in the diaries allowed a characterization of local dynamics,
highlighting important aspects of context in the day to day. In addition, I identified local
discourses that function as shared meanings, and help to organize local life. Using
Espinosa's category of affectivity as an extradiscursive ethical-political and immanent
element in the transition between ways of life, it was possible to understand: the
attachment to the place as constitutive of the artisanal fishing way of life; the expansion
of saline as a disarticulation of this way of life; tourism as an articulator of the new way
of life with its own meanings and practices, and maintaining and recovering aspects of
the fishing way of life; the implementation of the wind farm as a threat of rupture with
aspects of such a way of life. At the level of the discourses, to understand the
emergence of conflicts, I made a critical discourse analysis, understanding discourses
as action, but articulated to the extradiscursive level as its condition of possibility. It
was possible to note that the historical-social nature of the enterprises led to an
opposition between capital and place, which implied the identification of these
enterprises as invaders by the residents. The fact that tourism is made and controlled
by residents, supporting the sense that it is an activity that links them to the place,
together with local knowledge, helped to signify the tourist company and the wind farm
as threats to local life. The resistances to the actions of such companies had the
different ways‟ of life contents of attachment as organizers of both local consciousness
about such capital-place opposition and initiatives of contestation. I understand,
therefore, that the fundamental relations of these activities, when in contact with the
specificities of local relations and knowledge, have produced an opposition sustained by
the sense that they are companies that alienate the place, understood as part of their
lives, from people.