The phenomenon of social mobility in Brazil is increasingly gaining notoriety, given that recent research indicates that in Brazil there is no social mobility for a portion of its population: black women from popular classes. In view of this, researching racial and gender issues in Brazil means investigating the impact of triple discrimination on determinations of social stratification and analysis of the issue of social mobility in Brazil. In this case, starting from the artistic and literary productions of the writer Carolina Maria de Jesus, through the critical analysis of her songs, poems and her clothes, as well as through her most famous (autobiographical) works, Quarto de Despejo – O Diário de uma favelada (1960), Casa de Alvenaria – O diário de uma ex-favelada (1961), O Diário de Bitita (1986) and her fictional novel Pedaços da Fome (1963). In this way, the general goal of this research is to bring the life trajectory of the author Carolina Maria de Jesus closer to the debate about social mobility in Brazil, supporting myself, above all, in her artistic and literary productions crossing cultural, social and political aspects. Aiming, therefore, to observe, analyze and study the processes of exclusion and social ascension of segments such as black women from popular classes, based on the life trajectory of this multifaceted artist. For that, we employ cultural materialism as a methodological approach, in addition with documental and qualitative research and data analysis. We hope, in this way, to reflect on the Brazilian reality, aiming to bring a new look at the debate on social ascension, the racial issue, the relevance and how current is Carolina Maria de Jesus.

This research aims to investigate the theme of politics in the work of writer and playwright Antonin Artaud (1896-1948), especially in Heliogabalus; or the Crowned Anarchist (1934). Artaud has been studied in recent decades in the human sciences, above all on the basis of his theatrical, literary and cinematographic experiences, but there is little debate about his political contributions; nor is Heliogabalus focused on. So, beyond its purely aesthetic characteristics, it’s worth appropriating what this text gives us to know politically. In this sense, the narrative about the life of the young Roman emperor reveals in a privileged way a unique perspective of what the political phenomenon is – it is not only the struggle between the “parties” and the domain of the state, but it is also the composition of languages, rites and scenic acts. In order to properly realise this line of argument, I studied the corpus through thematic analysis, as well as writing a text of an essayistic nature: therefore, in the movement of thought, I tried to bring together discreetly separated elements into a readable whole, like a carpet. I argue that in the space of Heliogabalus the process of carnivalization – as conceptualised by Mikhail Bakhtin – appears as a central political element. Furthermore, the interaction of the living example of the crowned anarchist with the ideas of the Theatre of Cruelty, on the one hand, and with Giorgio Agamben’s concepts of oikonomia and profanation, on the other, has proved fruitful in terms of thinking about a deeply ritualised, theatrical political practice that produces a language of physical signs.

The present work aims to understand social inequalities in Luanda (Angola), with a specific focus on the dramas and suffering experienced by young Angolans who live in situations of social vulnerability. Faced with these phenomena, the State has the power to create strategic policies to combat these social problems that have long led several families into situations of extreme poverty, even more so, Angola, which is an underdeveloped country with complex challenges that is slowly moving towards economic and social development as well as ideal public transparency and a more consolidated democracy. That said, it is essential to bring sociological themes to help us understand the developments, trajectories and perspectives of this area since they are directly linked to all of us citizens regardless of race, sex, religion or education. To achieve our objectives and the research problem presented in the investigation, the qualitative method was used through both bibliographical and field research, as well as face-to-face interviews. Furthermore, the methodological approach will rely on the comprehensive method in order to analyze the subjective meanings of the lived experiences of young Angolans in situations of social inequality. The empirical investigation of the dramas and sufferings of young Angolans was carried out based on interviews, comprehensive studies and observation of relevant archives. Young people from different social and economic situations were chosen to participate in the research. The interlocutors during the interviews were invited to express their challenges, difficulties, experiences and their stories. In which themes related to unemployment, lack of opportunities, lack of professional training, crime, rejection and the issue of social pressure were raised. It is noted that one of the main results found in the empirical study is the increase in the unemployment rate, and extreme poverty among young Angolans in the capital-Luanda, mainly in peripheral areas, in the lack of access to education, health, essential services, marginalization, social exclusion and violence. In which several of these young participants show that they find themselves in a situation of abandonment, disillusioned, unmotivated and excluded in society and that they do not see the public and social policies implemented by the Angolan government to improve their lives, especially for young Angolans, who demand about the insufficiencies of social programs and projects that serve adolescents and young people. It is understood that it is necessary to create strategic policies to implement appropriate public policies, in order to reduce or combat social asymmetries and providing the insertion of young people in the community. And it is necessary that these policies are applied so that young people are able to demonstrate or deal with their dramas and suffering.

This work aims to understand the educational and training experience of the Coletivo Negras (extension group in gender studies, ethnic-racial relations, learning and knowledge). This group is taken as a political-epistemic instrument in the promotion of anti-racist education at a Federal Public University in the Semi-arid region. His intention is to promote the strengthening of the production of knowledge for the ethnic-racial relations of black women, in the appreciation of social identities and anti-racist education in contemporary times. The work is theoretically based on authors from the field of Human and Social Sciences and in dialogue with Education and ethnic-racial issues that discuss the theme, AZEVEDO (2018); ALMEIDA (2018); KNIGHT (2001); SOUZA (1983); SILVA (2011); BIRTH (2018); GUIMARÃES (2008); GONZALEZ (2018); GOMES (2018) and CARNEIRO (2002). From a qualitative point of view, the question is: how are anti-racist educators trained in higher education? As a hypothesis: the experience of Coletivo Negras allows us to understand the training processes of new educators committed to overcoming racial inequalities. For the construction of this study, the ethnographic method is used in order to understand and describe with density the collective studied. The ethnographic method is important, as it enables the observation and participation, as a teacher-researcher, of the activities developed in the sociocultural context of black women, such proximity corroborates in order to know their values, behaviors, beliefs and worldviews. Therefore, considering the scenario of social inequalities, the research intends to understand ethnic-racial relations. As partial results, the experiences of black women envisioned in Coletivo Negras enable a formative and anti-racist action between university and society.

The World Health Organization (WHO), in presenting its latest report, declares that every forty seconds a person loses their life due to suicide and, in this perspective, approximately 700,000 are victims every year. Those who turn to specialized literature to understand more about the phenomenon, with regard to aspects such as sexuality and gender, particularly when it comes to people belonging to the LGBTQIAP+ community, often find nascent discussions and inconsistent epidemiological data regarding suicidal behavior. Starting from this problem, this research aimed to analyze associations between sexual and gender minorities and the occurrence of suicidal behaviors, based on the influence of discursive practices of subjugation that manifest through dimensions of the socioeconomic and socio-affective context. To this end, the efforts of this research specifically focused on identifying how the aforementioned dimensions subvert or denote biopower devices, which influence the production of heteronormativity and cisnormativity and, consequently, the occurrence of precipitating factors for suicidal behavior. To this end, a documentary analysis was undertaken on Brazilian legislation, maps, and dossiers, using content analysis based on the methodology proposed by Bardin. Among the results obtained, it is possible to ensure that the LGBT+ population has to deal with learned helplessness, dehumanization, and derealization, which are subjectively linked to the formation of suicidal behavior in these groups. This process of life precarization is catalyzed by the heteronormativity and cisnormativity present in relationships and the organization of State or government policies. Despite this, many achievements have been made in Brazil and around the world, made possible thanks to the construction of public policies aimed at the population, with the direct participation of civil society in designing strategies and shaping spaces. However, conditions are still precarious for the population, as other transit spaces are not yet safeguarded, especially for young people, adults, and the elderly, who are victims in environments such as schools, the job market, or at crucial moments in life, such as retirement. Vulnerable conditions are also associated with the emergence of suicidal behavior.

The research work intends to analyze the evolution of the concepts of sustainable and intelligent cities, with a focus on urban and environmental issues, in order to contribute to the definition of sustainable development, in accordance with the principles defined by the Rule of Law, the defense of environment and reducing regional inequalities. In this way, it is proposed to carry out a diagnosis of the legal-regulatory situation applicable to the construction of an ideal city, as opposed to the real identity, aiming to promote sustainable and regional development through urban planning. As a phenomenon that expanded across the globe, urbanization gave rise to social demands and had an impact on the perception of the city as a right through the sociological concept of the “Right to the City”. It turns out that as international law absorbs environmental and human settlement perspectives, the right to the city acquires a new meaning literally and requires adjustments in its applicability. Thus, in addition to establishing sustainable human settlements as a right in the international legal order, Resolution 70/1 - Agenda 2030 - adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, proposed the Sustainable Development Goals-SDGs. The relevance of this research topic lies in Sustainable Development Goal “11”. Sustainable Cities and Communities” The democratic management of smart cities gains prominence with digital governance, associated with Information and Communication Technology-ICTs, influencing public behavior and relying on urban planning. The 1988 Federal Constitution and urban legislation stand out for their ability to address the use and occupation of urban land, taking into account the inseparability between environmental and urban issues. As for the methodology, it is qualitative, theoretical research, whose method is deductive, being developed under an exploratory and descriptive modality. Specifically in relation to technical procedures, bibliographical, legislative and documentary research is used. Through research, the objective is to make considerations about the phenomenon of a more inclusive city, whose purpose is to improve the quality of life of citizens. The general objective of this work is to demonstrate that current urban citizenship is the result of public management or inclusive smart governance, considered as digital governance, implemented through applied technologies (or ICTs) to public policies for smart cities. From there, specific objectives are achieved through understanding the importance of the right to the city in the context of sustainable and smart cities. It is concluded that citizens connect to the city's smart grid as a way of thinking about long-term infrastructure and services, which can flexibly meet the needs of multiple participants, affected in the public or private sector, through aggregation of solutions to coordinate its most diverse functions.

This research approached the evaluation of public policy evaluation procedures developed by the Court of Justice of the State of Rio Grande do Norte (TJRN), more specifically thosed aimed at promoting access to justice. Its objective was to verify at what level of quality the Potiguar Court, between 2020 and 2024, evaluated procedures regarding the Justiça na Praça and Justiça e Escola programs. To achieve this, the study was organized into two dimensions: a theoretical and an empirical one. In the first, issues of the modern State, democracy, the role of the Judiciary and the conceptions of public policies, evaluation and meta-evaluation of public policies were addressed. In the second, field research was conducted to evaluate the evaluation procedures of the programs regarding access to justice at TJRN, based on the articulation of a qualitative and quantitative approach, achieved through the development of a specific evaluation method, created based on the analytical models developed by Davidson (2005) and Draibe (1997). In the end, it was possible to conclude that the evaluation procedures of Justiça na Praça and Justiça e Escola are performed with a reasonable level of quality, with aspects related to usefulness, dissemination, conduct and credibility that can be improved.

This research aimed to reflect on racism and madness based on the literature of black writer Lima Barreto (1881-1922). Through content analysis and an interdisciplinary perspective that involves the dialogue between literature, sociology, anthropology, political science and history, we sought to produce an essay in order to feed the discussions by bringing other approaches that could broaden the debate about Berreto's work, which, here, is taken as a testimony of a black man who did not survive the oppression of race and class. It is clear that Madness and Racism, in addition to poverty, sadness, loneliness and resentment, permeated the writer's life. From an intersectional perspective that considers the intersection of social markers of difference such as race, class and madness, we understand that the writer was a victim of the racism that was structured in post-slavery Brazilian society. In that context, the lack of opportunities, the absence of policies for the inclusion of “freed” blacks, the traumas arising from the slavery regime, the denial of the culture of the enslaved, the unspeakable and unnamable pain of those who also hit “bottom,” to paraphrase the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, when referring to the “Muslims,” that is, the dehumanized, of the Auschwitz concentration camps, were exacerbated. For this study, in addition to the works already cited, others will help us delve into the immensity of Barreto’s thought, such as: Memories of the Clerk Isaiah Caminha, Triste Fim de Policarpo Quaresma, Diário Íntimo, Clara dos Anjos, and some short stories by the author, in addition to the biographies written by Francisco Assis Barbosa and Lilia Moritz Schwarcz. In the interpretations of the content analyzed, authors such as Giorgio Agamben, Frantz Fanon, Grada Kilomba, Michel Foucault, Achille Mbembe, Djamila Ribeiro, Silvio Almeida, among others, will be called upon to help echo the voice of Lima Barreto. He is considered to have been a witness and a resister at a time when blacks, the insane, and the poor were incarcerated by a hygienist policy influenced by eugenics. Surviving in precariousness, with a lack of resources, family crisis, drinking alcohol to the point of sinking into delirium and mental suffering, without gaining recognition or space in the intellectual scene, Lima Barreto resisted to the point of not allowing his black presence to be drowned out by the whitening steamroller. In the face of madness, which is a racist society, the writer left us his testimony: an extensive and rich black literature, critical of racism and the cruelty of asylum life.

The urbanization process in Brazil has brought about intense transformations in the urban form of large cities, leading to macroeconomic changes through the implementation of industries and services, with road works accompanied by infrastructure to facilitate the functional flow between cities and the global world. In the social environment it has had effects on the quality of life of the low-income population, such as the growing housing shortage, spatially segregated from the urban and social services that make up the right to the city. The housing deficit has become a strongly evident expression in Brazil's large metropolises, requiring interventions by the public authorities and other social actors to ensure decent conditions for adequate housing. In face of this, the emergence of the movements fighting for housing was the fruit of the emergence of a social consciousness of recognizing rights, mobilizing and pressuring the intervention in their social issues, entering the public scene with public policies. Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV) was a Housing Policy (HP) program that aimed to produce housing for this population, with the goal of minimizing the housing deficit, besides being an economic strategy in the midst of the world crisis. This research carried out an evaluation of the implementation of the PMCMV in Natal/RN, followed by the specific objectives: a) to investigate housing policy in Brazil, b) to analyze the institutional design of Minha Casa Minha Vida - Faixa 1 in Natal/RN and c) to evaluate the implementation of this social program for low-income population in the municipality of Natal. The methodological process adopted consisted of a bibliographic review of academic literature on the urban question, housing policy and housing programs; documentary research in the city hall archives; and interviews with program beneficiaries, leaders of movements fighting for housing in Natal, as well as program managers and technicians. Therefore, it was found that the degree of implementation of the My Home My Life Program - Track 1 was not sufficient, such as the absence of public services in the locality where the houses are offered, the non-implementation of the Social Work Project during the pre-construction, construction and post-construction process, and the non-delivery of all the housing units contracted. On the other hand, a certain degree of sufficiency was reached regarding the knowledge of the norms and ordinances that govern the program, as well as in the publicizing of information to the target audience.

The idea of the right to the city as a human right, in turn, was debated worldwide at the end of the 20th century, with the presentation of the World Charter for the Right to the City at the World Social Forum (2006), which highlighted the need to protect the rights of the man in the urban environment. The main objective of this research is to analyze the right to the city of people with disabilities and the Urban Mobility Plan in the city of João Pessoa - PB, and specifically to situate the historical evolution of the rights of people with disabilities in Brazil; situate the public policies that contribute to the maintenance of people with disabilities in society and finally analyze the urban mobility plan of João Pessoa - PB. When approaching the theme of the city, it is necessary to understand that the object of study is inserted in a completely multidimensional field that involves several legal, social and political interfaces. To substantiate the state of the art, we will use the main notions and theories about the city discussed by Henri Lefebvre and David Harvey and the contributions of Ermínia Maricato, Marcelo Lopes de Sousa, Amartyan Sen, Manuel Castells, and other authors who address issues related to democracy, development and public policies. The methodology used is documental, considering the official documents of the municipality and other special legislation that address the subject. Bibliographical research is also present given the vast literary collection on the right to the city, accessibility, inclusion and urban mobility. It appears that in Brazil, with the advent of Federal Law 10,587 of 2012, which instituted the National Urban Mobility Policy, it was possible to create mechanisms and guidelines for urban mobility, highlighting the development of the social functions of the city and its inhabitants. As well as that when a city establishes an urban mobility policy that aims to promote the right of all citizens as a form of human and social development of its citizens, it reduces the obstacles that prevent the individual from enjoying the public space and contributes to the incorporation of the Citizenship functions (Education, Health, Protection and Security) and Management Functions (Provision of Services, Planning, Preservation of Cultural and Natural Heritage and Urban Sustainability).

The flexitarianism diet, which is based on reducing meat consumption, is being seen as an important ally in the transition to sustainable food systems that can help mitigate climate change and strengthen food and nutritional security in different contexts. However, so far, we know little about the socio-economic factors related to flexitarianism adherence. This study aims to characterize the socio-economic profile of flexitarians in Brazil and relate aspects of this profile to meat consumption patterns in this population. With this study, we aim to answer four questions: (1) what is the socio-demographic profile of this population, (2) what are the main motivations for adherence to this diet, (3) what is the frequency of meat consumption, and (4) what are the main meat substitutes consumed by the flexitarian population? Data was collected through an electronic form that was self-filled by 1029 people from all over Brazil who consider themselves flexitarians. To analyze the data, we used descriptive and inferential statistics (e.g. Kruskal-Wallis, Spearman correlation, multinomial logistic regression). Our findings indicate that (i) the flexitarian food model is characterized by higher adherence of women with a high level of formal education, (ii) these people are mainly motivated by issues related to the impact of meat consumption on the environment and personal health and animal welfare, (iii) the consumption pattern is characterized by lower consumption of beef (less than two meals per week) and higher consumption of chicken (three meals per week), and finally, we observed that (iv) the main meat substitutes are plant-based protein sources (e.g. legumes) and eggs. We conclude that adopting a flexitarian diet in Brazil may be a positive indicator of an individual's social well-being. This conclusion brings additional complexities to the study of flexitarianism in Southern Global countries, where compulsory reduction in meat consumption can be an indicator of socio-economic vulnerability.

This research aims to present an ethnographic study on the life history of the artist Paulo Lyra, who lives and performs in the neighborhood of Felipe Camarão a periferic area at Natal (RN), in Brazil. To develop this dissertation, an investigation was carried out in order to understand the reality of this subject, considering his work in the field of popular culture through initiatives that aim to maintain the memory of popular traditions and in parallel with the social contexts that made his trajectory, those full of difficulties that made it hard to carry out his work, a passion for art is revealed that drives him to remain resistant. The motivation for this research is based on my experience as an educator in the Study Skills Project (PHE), a social project carried out by the Social Service of Commerce - SESC in partnership with Núcleo de Amparo ao Menor - NAM, in the neighborhood of Felipe Camarão, when I had the opportunity to get to know the community, its social and cultural reality and also the artist Paulo Lyra, where I could observe his performance and representativeness in popular culture, from his participation in the projects developed by the NAM. For a broader understanding of the thematic axes that make up this research, a study based on theorists Marilena Chauí (2008), Stuart Hall (2005) and Manuel Castells (2002) was essential to conceptualize Popular Culture, Cultural Identity and Resistance. As for the methodology used to achieve the objectives, it started from an ethnographic study of the life history of the artist Paulo Lyra based on complementary methods that made possible the paths taken to validate the questions of this investigation. As a result, it was concluded that popular culture is underserved by the State and that multipliers of cultural traditions, active and resistant to adversities, are of great importance for the permanence of popular culture and cultural identity of a people.

When the woman, victim of domestic violence, is granted the protective measure, the man, in addition to having to maintain a minimum distance, is obliged to attend an education and rehabilitation center and undergo individual and/or group psychosocial monitoring. Compliance with the amendment to the Maria da Penha Law carried out on April 3, 2020, through Law No. 13,984. But where are these centers? What we have are Men's Reflective Groups enrolled by initiatives of servants with political strength for this purpose. The present work carried out semi-structured, face-to-face, online interviews through the Google meet platform with the team (coordinator, psychologist and social worker) that make up the NAMVID – Support Center for Women Victims of Domestic Violence – and run the Group reflective of Men: for an attitude of peace. Which is developed by the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Norte for more than 10 years. In order to dialogue with the analysis of the content collected in the interviews, a theoretical review of the concept of masculinities, gender violence and psychological techniques and concepts that occurred for reflection and work with the justice system with perpetrators of domestic and family violence against women was carried out. Passing by Freud, Vigotski, Raewyn Connel, Lourdes Maria Bandeira, Tokuda, Kawamura among others. Understanding masculinity in a macro and intersectional way, considering gender, class and race in each social context are alternatives that can contribute to the fight against gender violence. The performance of the psychology professional in the actions of Men's Reflective Groups, despite not being their exclusive function, is fundamental to the process of reflection and deconstruction of violent masculinity.

An experience carried out in a public higher education institution is analyzed, as an extension Project Caminágua, linked to a Physical Education Course at a Health Sciences Center. Its goals are to provide overweight or elderly individuals in the community with university and extramural, physical activity offering minimal impact to the lower joints and spine, with a substantial loss of fat mass and gain in muscle mass. To develop the project, the Caminágua method was created with patent registration at the National Library (522,527); the method consists of a process of continuous movements (walking in the water = walking), with raising the knees, and alternating lateral raising of the legs, progressive jumps with the feet together, jumps using a single leg in an anteroposterior direction and pulling the water with the upper limbs extended and hands open. The research was developed by observing both the praxis (Karl Max; Paulo Freire) and the literature on the subject, in a dialectical view of the process, which made the theoretical framework and the collection of empirical data possible; it provided opportunities for the researcher's creative potential in the search for complementary information about the experience based on testimonies from participating social subjects, who performed a social cartography of care, complemented by statistical control of another portion of the studied population. The central issue is to monitor the performance of people with changes in body weight and elderly people during physical activity, measuring, at determined periods, a physical body diagnosis, in addition to capturing random statements with participating social subjects. The objectives are: a) to verify the effectiveness of the Caminágua Method; b) verify the efficiency of physical exercises, based on the results that were being evidenced by the studied population (research universe), especially with changes in body weight. As this is research involving human beings, the project was submitted to the institution's Ethics Committee, which judged its ethical merit, issuing a favorable opinion and specific certificate. It is ensured that the approach to the empirical data collected is based on a quantitative analysis of statistical data, followed by the qualitative compatibility of the results of the social cartography of care, generated by the social actors of the project. The Caminágua Project developed very dynamically given the recurring perspectives during the execution of the analysis, and that it was possible to observe, on site, the improvement in the health of those involved based on the positive results measured, which prove the effectiveness and efficiency of the Caminágua Method.

The war that broke out in February 2022 between Russia and Ukraine/NATO exposed the direction given to the coverage of the oldest and most watched television news program in the country, Jornal Nacional – and the noticeable inconsistencies in aspects of historical contextualization, temporality and political relations between countries, which resulted in dramatic consequences for the world. By understanding the complexity of the topic on several fronts, including geopolitical peculiarities and in the field of political communication, the research was anchored in some theoretical references, the main ones being Gramsci's concepts of hegemony and Venício's political representation scenario. from Lima; the historical and geopolitical analyzes of Eric Hobsbawn and Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira; in addition to references that helped in understanding JN's journalistic narratives, such as Pierre Bordieu, José Carlos Aronchi de Souza, Ângela Carrato, Eliara Santana and Juarez Guimarães, among others, gave us support. Content from articles, scientific journals and media material searched on the internet was also explored as a way of supplementing information and finding out about investigations already carried out on topics related to research. The repetition of the dominant discourse, reproduced based on the testimonies of nations within the NATO context, were clearly noticeable. As a result, it was considered important to problematize the narratives imposed on Brazilian society by Grupo Globo's main and most prestigious television news program. The testimonies of two Russian-Ukrainians from the Donbass region, Vlada Starilova and Victoria Valerievna, finally contributed to resolving doubts and clarifying facts that neither books nor the internet, contaminated by the dispute over narratives, especially those predominant in Brazil, were able to elucidate.

On the street we don't just learn where they can take us, where they go and where they come from. The soul of the street hides multiple possibilities of self-observing, self-describing and self-knowing from the experiences expressed in the modus vivendi. Its concreteness nourishes our capacity for imagination, reverie and self-eco-organizing by our lost steps while it is self-eco-organizing. The present thesis seeks to think of the street as a space that through the experience of the residents allows multiple strategies of education and survival so that they can remain in this conflicting and dispute scenario. It is a text that seeks to problematize and strange how the search to survive to live (in a street situation) constitutes survival strategies that allow processes of education and self-knowledge. Through a web of methodological (ethnographic) strategies, ethnography was used as a research methodology, based on fieldwork with the participant observations seeking to "Look" and "Listen" carefully (OLIVEIRA, 200 ̈) the subjects of the research, as well as symbolic cartography (SANTOS, 1988) to think about the city and the maps produced by the senses located by the people in the city,  thus, it allowed a description of the observed practices (GEERTZ, 1989). Ethnography as a research strategy and symbolic cartography enabled the understanding of the lives that the research sought to study and the concreteity of the objectives established in the present study. This work aimed to know the multiple survival strategies to be homeless by understanding that, in order to live in a street situation, it is necessary to develop a dynamic network of codes to remain in this concrete conflict. After raising the problem of the dynamics of living in a street situation, as well as those that this life can modify in the daily life of these subjects and in the daily life of the city, the following results were reached. In this line of thought, I could perceive the heterogeneous set of daily struggles to survive and live, allows an urban process of educational sociability developed in the streets as an anthropological space of educations, also seeks to identify the various urban experiences of sociability that produce in the subjects a daily exercise of self-knowledge and production of survival strategies - that allowed me to think about this process, as an educational urban process in which the experience of the street situation allows me to develop multiple experiences of teaching and learning, because these experiences are fundamental to remain in this locus of dispute. Through the experiences of homeless people in Mossoró (RN), there was a need to understand the street experience as a way of life that also produces education, consolidating the final considerations of this text that the experience studied in the street produces new references of teaching and learning – however hard experiences and social exclusion. By designing the proposed ideas, I understand that these residents are, as subjects of experience, other conceptions, other pedagogies and other teaching and learning productions. Inconclusive subjects in the constant search to be more and to survive to live. Subjects of struggle, endurance, survival and hope.

A large portion of food production in many low and middle-income countries is being taken care of by family farmers, but they are also vulnerable to food insecurity and poverty. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the food situation of farming families, disrupting supply chains and means of livelihood. Therefore, it is crucial to rethink access to food and agricultural policies to tackle food insecurity in the rural context. Our study aimed to investigate how socio-economic, production, and access conditions to agricultural initiatives, during the pandemic, impacted the food security of family farmers located in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Our study considered two surveys. In the first, through a systematic review, we conducted an overview of the problems and possible solutions faced by school feeding programs in acquiring food from family agriculture. In the second, through a cross-sectional study, we made 132 phone calls to family farmers in the state. Food insecurity was measured through the reduced Brazilian Scale of Food Insecurity (EBIA). Data was analyzed using descriptive statistics, and for the bivariate analyses of categorical variables, the chi-square test was used. From the 37 studies included in our review, we identified that the most critical problems of local food acquisition stem from family agriculture, including food production and marketing, and are exacerbated by factors such as lack of investment and inefficient logistics. Our findings from the second study indicated that the pandemic worsened the food insecurity situation, especially among women farmers with low education and income. Regarding access to different family agriculture initiatives, the food insecurity situation overshadowed these social protection measures. This can be an indication that these initiatives were not strong enough to curb food insecurity during the economic, political, and health crisis in Brazil.

This research discusses the relationship between the device of sexuality and its current manifestation in the digital world based on Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze and Giorgio Agamben. We advanced in the analysis of digital images of a group of women who call themselves Suicide Girls. These are images that work, modeled for voyeurism on the digital social network Instagram. We start from the trajectory of the Suicide Girls to the question of which device we are dealing with from a digital perspective. Listing a path in four designated chapters: Acts, Desires, Pleasure and Aphrodiosphere, in reference to the conception of the term Aphrodisia, related to the Greek experience on sexuality and the notion of aphrosphere in Peter Sloterdijk. This research has a marked connection with some works by Michel Foucault, especially in aspects that help us to identify Aphrodisia Digitalis, through a classic rescue of the term and an analysis of sexuality in current times, via digital devices. We use categories in the form of heterotopes, highlighting the notion of spatialities and subjective immersions. The proposal also deals with aspects related to the surplus of vital energy based on Georges Bataille and the notion of expenditure, contemporary erotic practices on pornography and sexuality with Attimonelli and Susca, Byung-Chul Han and Paul B. Preciado. Aspects related to the philosophy of image with Vilém Flusser and Norval Baitello Júnior, in addition to the modern digital scene about consumption in the light of Gilles Lipovetsky. We end with the notion of self-generated receptacles, where everything found is subjected to symbolic acclimatization. In image politics we work from the current perspective of Giselle Beiguelman. We propose an immersion in relevant concepts for the social, raising discussions about digital images, in order to broaden the understanding and propose a genealogy of sexuality in the contemporary and its functional projection in the dimension between the digital and the subjective in a new device of sexuality. Its manifestation stands out more and more, as something irreversible, dramatic and essentially seductive.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the construction of an anthropology of the modern, that is, to the study of the value system of Western societies. This study was proposed by Bruno Latour (2019), in order to conduct a collective research about the modes of existence, mediators of reality, from the Actor-Network Theory, according to which, the social should be explained through specific associations that make up the act of conversation; it is about elementary conditions that, before they are aggregated in the composition of the discourse, precede all definitions of institutions, subject or group. From this perspective, the Meme's mode of existence was studied, as well as how it fits into these associations. A return was made to the elementary conditions of discourse and a fragmentation into what this thesis calls memetic speech: it was described that such speech is articulated to mediate contagion at a distance between physically distant people (hiatus); flexing scripts through early conflict resolution (trajectory); and objectifying itself when it offers a pathway of beliefs and desires to be emulated (condition of happiness); being a ritualized micro process with cults to modern fe(i)tich gods called likes, favorable comments, and reposts (beings of the Meme); resulting in increased social quantity (alteration in reality). Thus, this thesis states that the Meme is a Network of the homogeneous type, whose fruition, necessarily in association with other Networks of the same type, culminates in contagion, in the psychic cohesion of a group, a situation, or a social event.

The research tracks social connections around the significant "Pentecostalism" through the mapping of controversies related to the classifications created and consolidated by the Sociology of New Pentecostalism in Brazil. It seeks to understand the contemporary modalities of Pentecostalism. The use of the theoretical and methodological apparatus of this sociology is faced with the history of development of Pentecostal formations, renitentes to the classificatory furor of strictly taxonomist thought. On the other hand, an alternative mode of thought is proposed inspired by the Deleuzian concept of rhizome. A model for construction a non-classificatory perspective of Pentecostalism (antisociology) and concerned with the political implications of the classifications. A non-taxonomist approach is another look at the concerns aroused by Pentecostal dissent and versatility. Disinterested in unrestricted classificatory activity and animated by the inventive character of the development processes of Pentecostal formations, this proposal aims to overcome epistemological obstacles inserted in the hegemonic model of science. The unfolding of these issues has as its starting point the dialogue with actors in temples of churches genealogically Pentecostal, located in the Region of Cariri cearense, from which the problem emerged. The implementation of this experiment is based on the negative reflections of the Latourian introduction to the Sociology of Associations (Actor-Network Theory). Its principles compel the redefinition of the concepts of science and social, guide the reorganization of investigative procedures in research and give lucidity to the political aspect of the works produced under the title of Social Sciences.

This study focuses its discussion on the triad woman-prison-religion. Based on the theoretical and methodological basis of the Social Sciences and the reports of women who served in the Regional Women's Penitentiary of Campina Grande - PB and attended the Bible course of Rhema Prisional. We intend to establish a debate about the construction of the enunciates of the biblical course, that is, the regimes of enunciation (LATOUR, 2012), which is "Word of God" based, to address the discursive practices and their effects on women's lives, and if it occurs an exercise of "self-care"(FOUCAULT, 2010). Methodologically, we have focused our studies on the contribution that Bruno Latour's Actor-Network Theory (ANT) (2012), also known as the Sociology of Associations, that points us during the work to understand the issues related to how religious acting in the lives of incarcerated women. We question the prison environment's effects on the female prisoners' lives and how are established freedoms and individualities within a hostile environment, and if the integration of religious practices in the prison routine establishes an ethical relationship or does not, leading to personal transformation. Our goal is to trace how are nurtured the actions of these women in the face of the beliefs and values passed on to them through the Bible course and by a whole connected network of human and non-human actors (LATOUR, 2012) in the place (prison). With empirical and qualitative research and using interviews and participant observation in the Verbo da Vida Church, we seek to understand if it occurs from the Bible course, the development of self-promoting, reflective, and corporal activities in these women's lives. How the exercises, techniques, and discourses of the Christian way of being is present to them? Is there an emancipatory relationship or one of subjection?

The research utilizes concepts and methodologies that intersect with various sciences/narratives, mainly from the fields of Sociology, Anthropology, Politic Science and History, in order to translate into scientific terms, the networks of emergence/global warming of the Anti-Prohibitionist Social Movement in Brazil. The 21st century COVID-19 pandemic period, as well as the consequent social isolation, made humanity dive deeper into the technological world and its communication tools, mainly through the internet, which profoundly altered the way of activism for the Marches for Marijuana and the self-proclaimed Anti-Prohibitionist Social Movement. Thus, the focus of this research is to investigate the network that fostered the emergence of the National Articulation of Marches for Marijuana (ANMM), trying to understand what this organization is, what it does, how it is organized, and furthermore, this research seeks to demonstrate the impacts and profound changes that the pandemic caused in this type of social struggle for the legalization of marijuana and anti-prohibitionism. 

This thesis aims to study cases of Symbolic Violence at the Deputed Djalma Maranhão Municipal School, located in the municipality of São Paulo do Potengi/RN, from the point of view of educators and education professionals, with a view to identifying how and when these cases occur and what has been the role of the School in facing this problem, observing the promotion of spaces for discussion about diversity and acceptance of differences. For this, we sought as references the studies carried out by Pierre Bourdieu on Symbolic Violence, the discussions of Paulo Freire and his reflections on banking and liberating education, discussions on power and biopower in Foucault and the concept of social action in Werber to guide our methodology. With this, we intend to draw a dialogue between the authors, discussing educational processes in a contemporary context and inserting into this discussion the emergence of studies on Symbolic Violence and its impact on students' lives and, therefore, on the social context. The research was developed using the Case Study method, anchored in qualitative-quantitative collection techniques for exploratory-descriptive purposes, which enabled greater knowledge about the question to be clarified, involving bibliographical research, participant observation and interviews with school professionals. The research aims to arouse the interest of other researchers and encourage them to look into questions as pertinent as the role of the school space in relation to issues of violence, promotion of citizenship and respect for differences, with the justification that it is a topic that is rarely discussed. addressed in Social Sciences, even more so when related to the concept of Symbolic Violence. In the end, we intend to offer data that can portray the scenario of this type of violence in a school that represents the profile of almost 60% of schools in the country, shedding light on a topic that is still little discussed but that can bring many impacts to the educational and social field.

The gender violence attacks women off all social classes, races and sexual orientations. In Brazil, the black women are whose suffer in the most this kind of violence and whose die the most because of this. The women’s movements in the face of this violence-grown situation demand an action of confrontation on part of the government, in this context that emerge the Specialized Police Station of Women Attendance. In front of the fact that the black women whose die the most from feminicide in the country, it is important that exist researches that evaluate if the public policies have effectivity in this specific group. The present work has as main objective to evaluate the implementation of one Specialized Police Station of Women Attendance in the municipality of Natal from the perspective of black women. In addition, as specific objectives to analyze the institutional design of the Specialized Police Station of Women Attendance; to evaluate the black women reception in the Specialized Police Station and to verify if these public policy objectives were fulfilled. The methodological process were constituted of qualitative research, as principal methodological resources we used the observation, field diary registry and the realization of semi-structured interviews with the Police Station professionals, the public polices users and with black women activists. The research, in respect of implementation, found the monitoring, evaluation and training processes the public policy studied were unsatisfactory. Still the reception and divulgation processes were evaluated as satisfactory. The black women activists defended the promotion of a integrate service of women reception and their dependents as a way to reduce feminicides of black women.

Urban mobility is today one of the main concerns of public power with regard to urban planning in contemporary cities and metropolises. The recurrence of environmental, economic and public health impacts related to air pollution, traffic jams and accidents, in addition to the inequity in the distribution and use of transport modes and services by the population, has forced the government to seek, propose and apply solutions that presuppose new forms of perception, planning and intervention aligned with environmental sustainability and more democratic forms of occupation and use of urban space. With the aim of improving the mobility conditions of people in cities, reinforcing criteria of equity, security, accessibility and sustainability, the National Policy for Urban Mobility - NPUM (Law Nº 12.587/12) delegates to the Municipalities the task of plan and execute the Urban Mobility Policy, prioritizing collective public transport and non-motorized modes of locomotion, such as walking and cycling. Faced with this, the research "Right to the city and urban mobility: an evaluation of the implementation of the National Urban Mobility Policy (Law No. 12,587/12) in the Municipality of Mossoró-RN" had as its main objective to evaluate the implementation of the guidelines of the PNMU in Mossoró between the years 2012 -date of enactment of the Law- and 2021, based on four of the main guidelines expressed in the Law. They are: (1) on the planning, evaluation and implementation of the PNMU in the municipality; (2) regarding the training of people and institutions related to mobility; (3) regarding the provision of public transportation; and (4) in terms of integrated infrastructure focused on collective and non-motorized modes of locomotion. To achieve the proposed objective, bibliographic review procedures were used based on relational themes, such as “urban mobility”, “public policies” and “public policy evaluation”; document analysis of Law nº 12.587/12, highlighting the attributions of the Municipalities; comparison between the PNMU and the urban mobility policy instituted in Mossoró; and interviews with municipal public managers (Executive Director of portfolio, legislative technician and councilors).The results of this research point to the inadequacy of the current mobility conditions in Mossoró, which in addition to not having developed and implemented its mobility plan in accordance with national guidelines, presents a series of technical, legislative, infrastructure insufficiencies and priorities.

The new coronavirus pandemic emerged in the city of Wuhan, China, breaking the borders of the Asian continent and spreading to all countries in the year 2020. This resulted in the declaration of a pandemic by the World Health Organization (WHO). Due to this fact, Brazil ends up enacting Law 13.979/2020, which deals with dealing with public health emergencies, presenting measures of collective protection, social isolation, quarantine and the restriction of public activities. These restrictions culminated in conflicts and effervescent moments between the Federal Union and the federative units of the country, resulting in public controversies that led to a judicialization of the policy, being analyzed by the Superior Federal Court (STF). In this dissertation proposes to offer a study of the legal-judicial conflict between the Union and two federative entities in northeastern Brazil, Bahia and Rio Grande do Norte, around the conduct of the political management of Covid-19. This research has the general objetive of understanding the phenomenon of the judicialization from the public controversies of federeated entities in the conduct of preventive measures against the spread of the coronavirus pandemic in the states of Bahia and Rio Grande do Norte. For this, we will start from the following theoretical problematization: To what extent does the use of law in the management of political conflicts between public agents reinforce or weaken the federative pact provided for in the Federal Constitution of 1988? Seeking to answer this problem, our theoretical contribution was Jürgen Habermas and Marcelo Neves, while the senses of justice with Michael Sandel and parallel authors that connect the approach, whose conceptual means are judicialization, controversy and the sense of justice. Finally, the methodology adopted will be the qualitative method, based on the accomplishment of a bibliographic review, analyze the public controversy between the federated entities, in addition to the use of hermeneutics for interpretation; and the ethnography of the Federal Supreme Court's constitutional review documents.

The present work aims to understand the new forms of love arrangements existing in our society, investigating how individuals who adhered to Polyamory as a lifestyle for a relationship accepted and sought to leave monogamy; also researching the acceptance of close people and, not least, the legal support for these relationships. It is an analysis of the conditions currently defined by the legal field. The main authors mentioned are: Foucault, Bauman, Giddens, Mari Del Priore, Maria Berenice Dias, Maria Helena Diniz, José Afonso da Silva, among others. In the end, the last chapter seeks to evaluate the progress of society on the issue of polyamory, analyzing some films and series that deal with this theme. In conclusion, it can be said that love relationships are renewed in Brazilian society, bringing new modalities in place of the monogamous family and gradually the legal field is following these changes.

The objective of this dissertation is to understand the importance of community radios in the democratization process in Guinea-Bissau, based on the actions of Radio Papagaio, in the city of Buba. It seeks to articulate how community communication on the radios can encourage the exercise of rights and duties of citizens at the local and national level in the construction of citizenship for social emancipation. The work has as theoretical support, the discussion on the theory of democracy, in Joseph Schumpeter (1984) e Robert Dahl (2001) and its historical process in Guinea-Bissau.In this sense, the analysis proposed here on community communication and democracy involves an understanding of democracy that goes beyond the limits of Eurocentric democracy and goes beyond the hegemonic forms of granting democracy (above all, liberal democracy in its instrumentalist conception), developed by Santos and Avritzer (2002), that is, the work discusses practices of community movements that can provide alternatives to the way of understanding democracy, enhanced in community radios. And, in relation to community communication, the interest is to reflect on the experiences of community radios as an expression of popular movement initiatives in Guinea-Bissau, especially Radio Papagaio, from non-governmental organizations, community associations and other expressions linked to social movements. The case Study on Radio Papagaio aims to effectively highlight the identification of the characteristics of participatory, educational and community communication in the way the community participates and mobilizes itself in concrete actions within the city of Buba.

This research investigates the network of asymmetric-clientelistic political exchanges between state leaders (state and federal deputies) and local leaders (mayors and councilors) and the most economically vulnerable voters in the 2016-2018 elections in the small towns of Piauí. The main objective of the study was to demonstrate the relationship of citizenship/autonomy and clientelism/dependence existing between these political leaders and voters who, by returning the favors received with their votes, become dependent on certain votes (state deputy and federal deputy), but exercise their autonomy when voting for other positions (governor, senator and president). There is another objective revolving around the main one, consisting in observing how the coexistence of clientelism and the modern state, in which clientelism survives, adjusting to the new structures of modern societies. There was also a counterpoint to patrimonialism, in addition to emphasizing that Brazilian society is heteroclite, contradicting this theory, because instead of eliminating “backwardness”, during the consolidation of the country's modernization process, it made functional in this new order. The research is a case study in which the qualitative method was applied, using the techniques of in-depth interviews and the realization of focus groups. The sample is composed by four cities, each one of them representing a mesoregion of Piauí: Cocal (North Mesoregion of Piauí), Campo Maior (North Central Mesoregion of Piauí), Oeiras (Southeast Mesoregion of Piauí) and São Raimundo Nonato (Southwest Mesoregion of Piauí). As a basic theoretical framework, refer to Santos (2006), Vianna (1999, 2004, 2020), Bahia (2003), D´Avila Filho (2004, 2007), Carvalho (1997), Leal (2012), Hicken (2019), Osorno (2016), Schröter (2010), Auyero (2011), Stokes (2013), Luzón (1999), Souza (1998, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018a, 2018b, 2020), Freyre (2006), Weber (2004, 2014, 2016), Holanda (2014) and Faoro (2012). As a result, it became evident that voters, when exercising their right to vote, make in a dialectical way: clientelistic and citizen, that is, they act as dependent individuals and at the same time, as autonomous; state and local leaders create and maintain mutual political agreements so that both continue to survive politically, which means winning elections. It was also found that clientelism does not remain confined to societies seen as emerging, it also coexists in societies of advanced industrialization, where capitalism has fully developed. Brazil is a case of modernization that does not follow the classic model, resulting in a society in which the “old” and the “new” feed off each other, in a symbiotic relationship.

Contemporary societies face the challenge of enabling the production, commercialization and regular consumption of food. Much of this challenge is accomplished by the globalized corporate agri-food system. It is known that this system contributed to the world population having more food, due to the increase in productivity and the reduction of prices. However, this system also generated its limitations and produced a series of externalities. This phenomenon feeds consumer concern and causes a flee to quality. This is usually expressed in the appreciation of local food production, for example. Particularly, those bearers of distinctive qualities, such as organic and healthy foods, among others. This panorama shows, on the one hand, that the fordist pact between the food industry and a portion of middle-class consumers is no longer supported on such solid foundations. On the other hand, that the nature and dynamics of this system contribute to the conformation of a hostile environment for most farmers. In reaction to this framework, many farmers, from several countries, develop new products and services that differ from conventional agricultural products. The ongoing initiatives are characterized by the production and sale of healthy foods. This social phenomenon influences the agenda of food studies whose greater emphasis is given to the dimensions of commercialization - through the notion of social construction of markets – and consumption - from the reflexivity of the agents. As a result of this change, new themes and sociological questions are inserted in the debate on agriculture and society. Among these, the social construction of agri-food markets, adopted as an object of study in this thesis (GOODMAN, 2017; GOODMAN; DUPUIS; GOODMAN, 2012; RENTING; MARSDEN; BANKS, 2017; CASSOL, 2018). The research has as general objective to analyze the social construction of nested markets agri-food, from the perspective of farmers and consumers, of the Xique Xique Network, in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives are: a) to understand how the search for agri-food products takes place and the main motivations for accessing this market; b) analyze how and which social and cultural values are accessed by farmers and consumers to confer the attribution of quality on products; c) examine how the generation of trust between farmers and consumers occurs. The adopted method was qualitative and the methodological process consisted of literature review on the new economic sociology and the social construction of nested markets agro-food, in order to build an analytical framework. Direct observations were also carried out, mapping of fairs held by Rede Xique Xique, in potiguar municipalities. Semi-structured interviews were realized with farmers and consumers to understand the motivations and values that lead to the search for these foods, confer quality attributes and produce trusting relationships. The research demonstrated that there are multiple causes for the construction of motivation and trust with quality attribution, of the products marketed by the Xique Xique Network.

The importance attributed to Local Arrangement Production (APL) as a possible mechanism for promoting development led the federal government and several state governments to encourage this type of economic conglomerate in Brazil, in the early 2000s, guiding the elaboration of public policies.In the Alagoas state, one of the recipients, in 2004, the Local Productive Arrangements Program (PAPL) was created, which supported arrangement production in many places. As a result of this action, two production arrangements in the Baixo São Francisco region received support, namely: the fish farming APL “Delta do São Francisco”; and the tourism APL “Caminhos do São Francisco”. Given the importance of these arrangements, this research has as main purpose to evaluate the efficiency degree of PAPL applied in the  Baixo Francisco region of Alagoas. This evaluation took into account  the actions aimed at the general coordination of the program, the actions of institutional articulation of the actors and evaluation of, as well as the planning, monitoring and analysis of the results of the fish farming arrangement “Delta do São Francisco” and the arrangement of the tourism arrangement “Caminhos do São Francisco” understand in the period from 2013 to 2016. In this way, the following specific objectives were established: to understand the PAPL implementation process and operation; how to assess the efficiency degree of actions of direction, management of producers and planning, with the monitoring of the results and arrangements; and control the results of actions in the productive arrangements of fish farming and tourism in the selected region.The methodological process used in the research objectives included a literature review; elaboration of a PAPL evaluation matrix; a documentary research; and the collection of primary data in the towns of the region. The results revel that the PAPL had high efficiencyin the presentation of results originated in the planned actions.However, they presented low efficiency in the transformation  of the local reality of the program beneficiaries, due to structural, cultural and political issues.

Through literature review and data analysis, the research sought to identify the interests of classes materialized in the labor reform that look place in Brasil, from Federal Lae 13.467/2017. The hypothesis is that this phenomenon expresses the common project of the Brazilian bourgeoisie and brings with it two distinct facets: is a result of the world crisis and, at the same time, reaffirmation of historical trends in the development of capitalismo in Brasil, such as economic dependence, social inequality and political authoritarianism based on a discourse of modernization, the Brazilian bourgeoisie breaks the hiatus of advances in neoliberalismo provoked by PT governaments and leads the country towards an economic model based on rente-seeking and the reprimarization of the national economy. This will be the reaction to a distributive conflict provoked rising wages and low unemployment on the hand and falling profit rates on the other. In view of the reduction of costs for capital, the offensive against labor rights is what ensures the unity of the different fractions of the bourgeoisie. The labor reform makes it possible to make hiring and working hours more flexible, and work hours, imposition of obstacles for trade union organization and difficulty in accessing Justice. Class interests are identified in the new legal framework for labor relations, pulling out working class conquests in earlier periods, configuring a counter-reform, typical of neoliberalism.

The elaboration and implementation of a safeguard plan establishes a new relationship between the social segments and the State and, with this management instrument, it is intended to contribute to the autonomy of the holders in the management of their patrimony, inter-institutional articulation in favor of the registered good and cultural sustainability. Thus, this thesis proposes to evaluate the safeguard guidelines for the implementation of safeguard plans, of two assets registered as Cultural Heritage of Brazil, Festa de Sant'Ana (RN) and Maracatu de Baque Solto (PE) to verify if the plans address preservation, transmission and sustainability, as essential conditions for the safeguarding of said assets, provoking the emergence of the research problem, of how the Festa de Sant'Ana, the Maracatu Cambinda Brasileira and the State are implementing the actions of the plan safeguard for the survival of the property and are they guaranteed to implement this policy? The methodological procedures involved were: bibliographic, documentary and field research, with semi-structured interviews, direct and participant observation. The adopted framework enables the combination of multiple theoretical contributions, enabling the intertwining between theory and practice. It is a qualitative approach, designed as a documentary study, to evaluate the guidelines of the safeguard plan for these two registered assets. Thus, we followed some techniques of public policy evaluation, as in Stake (1999), Labra (1999), Draibe (2001), Silva (2001), among others. As studies evaluating cultural policies in Brazil are very recent, we brought some authors who focus on the topic, such as Albino Rubim (2008) and Lia Calabre (2019). Given the complexity of the topic, other domains of knowledge were also called upon to support the assessment, such as the theoretical-methodological contribution of the Social Sciences, with reflections on various categories, such as Bourdieu's (1989) field conception, for the objectification of the relations between agents and forces present in the field, in addition to other categories present in the formulation of the Law, such as culture, tradition, memory and intangible heritage, based on the reflections of several authors. The research is justified by its main purpose of contributing to the dissemination and preservation of intangible cultural heritage in RN and PE, deriving knowledge for future generations, and even assuming the pretension of not interfering in the perceptions of the implementers of this policy. preservationist in a particular reality, such as the one that is under the focus of this evaluation. The conclusions reached indicate that the evaluation carried out demonstrates that the title of Brazilian cultural heritage was remarkable for both goods, however the guidelines prepared were not shown as commitments to comply with the recommended public policy and were not executed in all their implementation of the Safeguard Plans.

In 2017, the streaming platform Hulu premiered the first season of the series The Handmaid’s Tale, an adaptation of the eponymous book by Margaret Atwood. The context portrays an alternative reality, in which the United States suffered a political coup and the implementation of Gilead’s theocratic regime. The series quickly won over critics and audiences, bringing a dystopian plot full of symbolism and visual elements that dialogue with the unstable socio-political moment faced by countries like Brazil and the United States in the same period. The production gained prominence through shares and discussions on digital social media, becoming part of the series culture, which has been developing over the past few years, mainly with digital audiovisual platforms. Faced with this, this study defends the hypothesis that there are close and possible links between the series and the current reality, which reveal a symbolic clash between the advance of the struggle of feminism and the current conservative governments, grounded in the chauvinism embedded in the culture of contemporary societies. To highlight these aspects, the film analysis methodology was used (VANOYE; GOLIOT-LÉTÉ, 2002; SORLIN, 1985), to understand the intentionality of diegetic and visual elements present in the first season of the series, with greater emphasis on the episode Offred. In addition, it used Cultural Studies (WILLIAMS, 1979) in dialogue with other authors (ELIAS, 2011; FOUCAULT, 2014; ADORNO, 2002; JENKINS, 2008; JOST, 2012; MORIN, 2002; BAUMAN, 2017), to exercise the understanding about the materiality of culture and its current social relations through streaming media. This enabled the realization of a deeper sociological reading that revealed themes such as the rescue of "values", fears, surveillance, control, and possibilities of domination in contemporary society.

Technological and communication platform changes culminated in important developments towards the institutionalization of social networks as instruments of the political process. This can be evidenced from the analysis of the last elections for president of Brazil, in 2018, when social networks were a central part of the electoral dynamics of candidates. Platforms such as Facebook and WhatsApp served as mechanisms to encourage emotional mobilization and the crystallization of prejudices and preferences, in addition to the dissemination of ideas, values and proposals. Considering the election of President Jair Bolsonaro, the images mobilized on social networks by his campaign are questioned, focusing on the experience of Rio Grande do Norte. Thus, the general objective is to analyze the use of the social network Facebook by the political and electoral marketing of candidate Jair Bolsonaro, through the State Directory of the Liberal Social Party (PSL), with regard to the mobilization of images, videos and other related media to the political imagination of the right. The methodology comprises the theoretical discussion and empirical aspects that guide ICTs in political marketing and political imagination, using netnography. The PSL/RN Facebook page is investigated, in a determined time frame, with the objective of extracting reflections through a comprehensive sociology. Semi-structured interviews are used with actors linked to Jair Bolsonaro's campaign in Rio Grande do Norte. The results show that social networks, materialized in this work from Facebook, constituted an important aspect of political communication of the current president's campaign, bringing together images that were intrinsic to the fight against corruption and communism, family, religion and public safety, thus culminating , in elements of the “new right” imaginary.

The Food and Nutrition Education (EAN) has the Healthy Eating subject as the main topic to its public policy, which also officially represents as a high relevance for the Brazilian population by the National Policy for Primary Care (PNAB). EAN has been among the specific attributions of the multidisciplinary team of the Expanded Center for Family Health and Primary Care (NASF-AB) but hasn’t included the indicators defined in 2020 for the multidisciplinary team of Primary Care (eAP), created to replace the NASF-AB team through the Ordinance Prevent Brazil. Considering its relevance to know the values, notions and practices of the multidisciplinary team to Food and Nutrition Education, especially in the period of transition from the NASF-AB team model to the eAP ones, we sought to answer the starting question: what is the symbolic value of Food and Nutrition Education assigned by the multidisciplinary primary care team? The objective of this study was to analyze the symbolic value of Food and Nutrition Education as a public policy of the Brazilian State by the multidisciplinary team of primary care, taking the city of Arez as an empirical unit and dialoguing with the Social Theory of Pierre Bourdieu, specifically the concept of habits. The research subjects are professionals from the multidisciplinary team of primary care in Arez. This is a research with a qualitative approach using structured interview methodology with open questions and the Discourse of the Collective Subject as an instrument of analysis. The speeches received empirical treatment through the DSCSoft Program developed by Sales and Paschoal Informática through a partnership with the University of São Paulo (USP) and the Faculty of Public Health, with Fernando Lefèvre PhD and Ana Maria Lefevre PhD. The analysis of those speeches and practices showed that for the multidisciplinary team in Arez, Food and Nutrition Education means healthy eating from the perspective of the nutrients present in the food, with a focus on disease prevention, occupying a small space in the set of health services and actions at the first level of care for the population and under the technical responsibility of the nutrition professional.

This work seeks to dialogue about Maracatu Nação as a cultural manifestation of struggle and resistance. Being a maracatu nation means having a close relationship with the ancestry worshiped in Afro-Brazilian religions. In this sense, I use elements of the African cosmovision (OLIVEIRA, 2020) to design ways for the Zamberacatu Nation to belong to the peoples of terreiros, thus building an Egbé, an Afro-Potiguar society, as well as an imagined community (ANDERSON, 2008). Understanding that religious, cultural and political aspects are involved in this construction, this work seeks to structure itself, studying the relationships developed in the context of the manifestation, which trigger significant processes to dialogue about contemporary tradition, the construction of a black identity and the meanings of a matriarchy within a maracatu nation, considering it as a central element for the understanding and worship of ancestry. The methodological procedures are arranged in such a way that the choice of authors and methodology is related to demarcating the territory of social belonging and giving a voice to racialized intellectuals, as a strategy for writing about the black population that starts from itself in the molds of Afro-descendant research (CUNHA JUNIOR, 2013), having writing (EVARISTO, 2017) as a way of taking the place of the being who plays and writes, she is a researcher and researched. I also use the valuation of the spoken word, orality, as an element that gives birth to writing (A. HAMPATÉ BÁ, 2010) and observation linked to the perspective of being affected (FAVRET-SAADA, 1990), in a perspective of building a text that approaches experimental writing (FLEISCHER, 2018) with fluidity and that evokes horizons.

The general subject of this research is about the strategic and programmatic content of the brazilian Revolution theory in Florestan Fernandes’ thought, studying the dialectic he developed between the “revolution by the order” and “revolution against the order” in his writings about the 1970s and 1980s political happenings and the class struggle in Brazil, synthesized at the “democratic Revolution” proposal. The specific objectives we seek are the relation between the development of a bourgeois autocracy form os state and its roots on the dependency of national capitalism, with the sui generis class society formation in Brazil at the dependent bourgeoisie revolution; carry out a synthesis of the historical development that resulted in the distension of the 1964 dictatorship that begun at 1974, and the controled transition; analyze Florestans thoughts on PTs politics, as well as his proposal of “socialist reforms” within the 1988 Constitution, and the contrast between the democratic revolution and Trotski’s permanent revolution theory political program. Our hypothesis is that Florestan, while defended the working class as the protagonist of the democratic tasks of the Revolution combined with its socialist objectives, he also admitted the possibility of momentary alliances with the bourgeoisie to be necessary to modernize the State, expanding its democratic space for the working and poor classes influency. in order to give them better conditions to conquer power. We establish a critique of his theory of the Brazilian revolution, comparing it with the categories of analysis on the State and workers' hegemony and the strategic and programmatic content from Vladmir Lenin, Leon Trotski’s and Antonio Gramsci's Marxism. Recovering the theory of the revolution against a bourgeois autocracy in Brazil that Florestan developed on his works, seeks to contribute with an more precise analysis of the current process of authoritarian dismantle of the 1988 regime, and the answers the dominated classes should give to it, that they will inevitably be faced on the battlefield of the class struggle.

The Eco Praça movement-project started in Natal in 2013, a year marked by intense street protests in Brazil. Over more than seven years of operation, Eco Praça has established itself not only as a (in)formal, ecological, microeconomic and artistic occupation, but as a political event that opens an existential turn, producing a new urban subjectivity. These essays go through the moments when these multiple ways of being and living come to life and take place from the vibration of an aesthetic emotional space, but also take note of the possible narrowing against the politics of control of the sensible, which sculpts subjective figures of capitalism. Therefore the mobilization of occupation of public space occurs not only at the level of cognition or discourse, but rather breaks out at the assigning level of virtualities, intensities and affects. In fact, based on the way opened by Félix Guattari, solo or in collaboration with Gilles Deleuze, regarding the heterogenesis of the production of subjectivity and the ethical-aesthetic paradigm, considerations were made about the disruptions of the nowdays city and the insurmountable environmental issues that present themselves, both implicated in a well-rounded idea of the subject. These same concerns about contemporary subjectivity find reverberation in Suely Rolnik, David Lapoujade, and Maurizio Lazzarato thoughts.

This thesis is an urban study, built from methodologies that, at first moment, have little dialogue, but which, if conceived in a synthetic way with the object of a case study, end up converging and enabling a better understanding of the analyzed phenomenon and its dynamics peculiar. From these different approaches, Henri Lefebvre's progressive regressive method as an interpretation of the production of spaces and the configurational method proposed by Norbert Elias's sociology, the study was structured in order to answer the following question: what is the direction of the processes that produce the Beira-Mar Avenue in Fortaleza/CE nowadays? The main objective is to carry out the research harmonizing the two theoretical-methodological approaches, making the urban analysis process more adapted to the peculiarities and complexities of this theme, thus demonstrating its viability. After that, other questions arose, expanding the analytical scope of the thesis, which also began to seek to understand and interpret the dynamics and practices that maintain the tourist place; the identification of power relations between the different groups that build this space; the dynamics at the center of power of the local configuration and its influences on the established and outsiders of Beira-Mar; to finally understand the possibilities of production and reproduction of this place. In addition to the announced theoretical-methodological approaches, the research is configured as a case study with the temporal and spatial delimitation during the first stage of the progressive regressive method, covering the months of July and September 2018, with semi-structured interviews being applied until August of 2020. It is worth mentioning that, when there is field research, in addition to interviews, direct observations and a field diary are also needed as methodological support. In the subsequent stages of the Lefebvrian method, there was also the use of documentary survey and bibliographic review with an emphasis on epic literary books from Ceará in order to interpret the world views of the local elite. Depending on the moment of the study, other methodological strategies were added occasionally, with emphasis on the concepts of Magnani (2008) – spot, path and piece – used to better explain the topic addressed. As a final consideration, it can be said that the tested hypothesis, involving the use of the two theoretical-methodological perspectives, proved to be correct, because adding the sociogenesis of Elias, for example, allowed us to understand the modernizing look of the local elite, its peculiar construction, with the paradoxical dialogue with the traditional; as well as the Lefebvrian method provided the necessary structural basis for the research to proceed, following a defined north.

The thesis deals with an investigation about how queer theory was received and, especially, Judith Butler's work in Brazil. Therefore, it was elucidated how the concepts explored by Butler were important for the development of queer studies and how their incorporation in the country made it possible to conceive new perspectives on analysis categories for Brazilian Social Sciences. Methodologically, the work is bibliographic and adopts a cartographic posture based on the contributions of Deleuze & Guattari (1995), Guattari & Rolnik (1996), Rolnik (2011), Eduardo Passos, Vírginia Kastrup and Liliana da Escóssia (2009) in order to unveil the possibilities of anthropophagy of Butler's thought and queer theory in Brazil. The research made it possible, by means of an exploration in the Bank of Theses and Dissertations of CAPES and in the Scielo Platform, to draw a rhizomatic map of queer and butlerian studies in Brazilian soil and to show original productions that dialogued with queer in the country in a pioneering way. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute to the debate on how the possible tensions, ruptures and problems proposed by Butler's thinking and by queer studies can be relevant to discussions on gender relations, sexualities, violence, precariousness, vulnerability and recognition.

The doctoral research presents considerations about mobile communication artifacts and the production of a subjectivity focused on a surveillance device. The focus is on the use of data-tracking algorithms, the search includes trackers for operating systems for mobile devices in more detail but also using trackers for internet browsers (browsers). The understanding is that capitalism prepares the ground for the modulation of specific subjectivities through the practicality and entertainment provided by technological devices, which would be inserted in a more comprehensive device of algorithmic surveillance. The role of the smartphone would be the open path to the agreement of data delivery supported both in voluntary cooperation of users and in the use of data-tracking algorithms in practice known as tracking. Bibliographic research is the main methodology employed, as research categories are based on the concept of Foucauldian device so that this concept is used as the method itself for the delimitation of the components of the algorithmic device; consequently, this author is the main theoretical reference used (FOUCAULT, 1996; 2008b; 2014; 2018). However, Bruno's theoretical perspective (2013); Bauman and Lyon (2013); Lazzarato (2014; 2006); and Deleuze (1988; 2000) are also widely present. The work argues that the Foucauldian disciplinary society was not of all substitution by the control society, much less its surveillance devices were banished, but rather that these devices take new forms through the broad spectrum of modulation acquired by the communicational technological devices.

This research has as its central proposal to present the trajectory of education in Brazil and the implications that provoked new praxis in relation to the idea of citizenship in the context of neoliberalism. Since colonization to the present day, a dual model of education has been established in the country, which is reflected in the understanding of citizenship built in society. The development and consolidation of neoliberalism accentuated our social inequalities and coupled with national political transformations, it provoked a set of reforms in the scope of work, social security, health and education. We have a history marked by a slow itinerary in the elaboration of a democratic society, with moments of repression, processes of redemocratization, a brief reduction of social inequalities, democratic rupture and the rise of the extreme right. However, the scenario is also one of resistance, as it has been occurring since the historic events of June 2013 to the most recent demonstrations against the current government since 2019. In addition, expressions of conservatism and reactionaryism currently exist that corroborate the neoliberal scenario. In this sense, the discussion about social classes in Brazil is pertinent in relation to the different practices and conceptions of education and citizenship. The hypotheses that guided this research are organized in four axes: 1) Each historical period in Brazil is marked by different and unequal forms of education and citizenship according to social classes; 2) Economic and social policies determine how the conceptions and practices of education and citizenship are oriented; 3) There is evidence of an overvaluation of meritocracy, stimulating entrepreneurial practices, which tend to disqualify and render unfeasible teaching that develops the idea of fuller citizenship and 4). In order to discuss them, it is noted that the understanding of citizenship has undergone significant processes of change of meaning in education: as a social distinction, a citizen as a social right, later becoming a consumption practice and recently as a personal merit and performance , factors that generated more social exclusion and division. The theoretical-methodological framework of this research that seeks to highlight this panorama focuses on five axes: 1) Marxist perspective: classics, European and national authors; 2) Macro and micro perspectives on education in the West and Brazil; 3) Question of social class: walk between classic and national authors with different theoretical perspectives; 4) Studies in the field of phenomenology, existentialism and postmodernism and 5) Dialogue between the approximate areas of knowledge as a predominance of Sociology and Political Science. Theoretical references - aiming to elucidate them, included the following authors: André Singer (2012, 2018), Anísio Teixeira (1956, 1969), Byung-Chul Han (2015), David Harvey (2008), Eduard Bernstein (2000), Florestan Fernandes (1978, 1989, 2004), Franco Cambi (1999), Gabriel Vitullo (2011), Gaudêncio Frigotto (2001, 2003, 2010), Jessé Souza (2003, 2010, 2017b, 2018a, 2018b), Juremir Machado (2018 ), Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1986), Leandro Konder (1977), Linda Alcoff (2016), Lívia Barbosa (1999), Lúcia Neves (2010), Luiz Felipe Miguel (2004), Maria de Lourdes Manzini-Covre (2006), Max Weber (2011), Michael Löwy (2015), Néstor Canclini (1997), Norberto Bobbio (1995), Otaíza Romanelli (1986), Perseu Abramo (2016), Pierre Bourdieu (1998, 2007), Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval (2016), Virgínia Fontes (2010), Vladimir Lenin (sd) and Walter Mignolo (2008). Facing the trajectory of this research, its developments and reflections guide towards dimensions that assume the educational and political struggle as a way to reach the model of education and citizenship that can overcome the current neoliberal logic. 

The essays that make up this thesis are dedicated to the reflection of issues immanent to the ethical-political responsibility that each of us must cultivate. What we see in contemporary society is a growing destruction of nature, whether in the name of capital, accumulation and / or technology. But, what the human does not realize is that by installing chaos, he moves the force of Gaia (LATOUR, 2020), unleashes irreversible crises on the planet, in addition to epistemological ruptures that cloud his ability to reflect and dialogue with the regimes enunciation (LATOUR, 2012) expressed in science, spirituality and ecology. The disjunction between them and between the dimension of nature and culture - which they can no longer operate - creates multiple tensions that are installed, preventing the subject from a free possibility of existing. The knowledge partnerships that guide our path in this research are the notion of a science without dogmas (SHELDRAKE, 2015), which can move through the space of uncertainty and which can express itself in the active voice for being aware that the subjects who practice it are involved with his discoveries, while being more human for allowing himself to feel. Another partnership took place with deep ecology (CAPRA) because we are involved in the same web, we are linked and we must learn to cultivate self-care (FOUCAULT, 2010), to reflect reflexively on ourselves constantly, and then to act on the world. Therefore, we start from the idea that this subject who acts in harmony with self-care, combined with the notion of spirituality - understood as the subject's awareness of his belonging, constituted as a link, with science, politics, education, ecology - is someone who illustrates the meaning of being ecologically literate.

The thesis presented was elaborated from theoretical and methodological investigations about the theme of political participation of young people in contemporaneity. It is important to highlight that the forms of organization, mobilization and political action of youngsters have guided a considerable amount of research studies about the topic. It is also noteworthy that the new contemporary social movements, especially led by youngsters, from 2013 onwards, take on a certain social and political role in the country's manifestations, marches and street protests. Hence, the general objective of this research was to analyze the processes of organization, formation and striving of the youths that make up the social movement Levante Popular da Juventude, in the state of Pernambuco. The specific objectives were: a) to identify the sociability relationships, the collective experiences and the demands of the youths of Levante Popular da Juventude; b) understand how the engagement and participation processes of the young individuals that compound the movement take place; c) carry out a mapping of the actions and repertoires of collective action on the three fronts of the movement. As for the methodological procedures, initially, a literature review was carried out on the theme of youth participation in contemporary social movements. As for a second moment, a work of participant observation, in which the researcher, during a period of two years, followed the routine and the schedule of the social movement, being present on training courses, camps, collective processes of organization, actions, acts and activities. In the last phase of the research, interviews were conducted with the young people who make up the group Levante Popular da Juventude Pernambuco. After carrying out the study, the thesis defended is that Levante Popular da Juventude is positioned as a space that allows the redefinition of forms of engagement and participation of youth in contemporaneity. The symbolic field formed through mystique, identities, feelings of belonging, affection and collectivity, typical of this social movement, builds an identity of resistance that sets itself as a reference within the processes of organization, formation and striving of the social movement.

The participation of the State in the Brazilian economy has always been a subject of debate, necessary for the understanding of Brazilian economic development, notably in the 1950s and 1960s. Some currents of economic thought stood out, among them the one that had Celso Furtado as one of its members, representing the, so-called, critical thinking of the Brazilian and regional economy. He was a great defender of the State as a promoter of economic and social development, being considered one of the main authors, in the CEPAL-thought and Brazilian discussion, of the notion of development/underdevelopment. In this sense, the present study reflects the path of “thinking and acting” by Furtado, in the search to overcome the underdevelopment of the Northeast Region through the State, planning and public policies. Therefore, the study was based on bibliographical research, especially on the vast work by the author, rescuing the formation of his thought and the theoretical influences he received, as well as from other authors who reflected on his thought. As a man of action, Furtado dedicated himself to confronting northeastern underdevelopment, acting as a planner and executor of the development policy in the Northeast from the end of the 1950s. At the GTDN, he presented the diagnosis and the action plan, conceived under the influence of the ECLAC, proposing a planned action by the State in the Northeast through development policies. Since then, there has been a change in the way the State acts in the region, previously based on policies to combat droughts, which did not contribute to its structural transformation. The proposals by Furtado for the region materialized in the creation of SUDENE and in the preparation of Managerial Plans, which faced great resistance to their approval, demonstrating that, unlike what he believed, technique and policy are not isolated in different plans. Thus, the resources of the Managerial Plans were directed to several projects in Northeast, especially the infra-structural ones, considered important for its development. The proposed action plan for the region aimed not only at causing an industrial boom in the region, but also structural reforms. As a result, we realize that, concurrent with his thinking, his quest to overcome regional underdevelopment was strongly anchored in the planned action of the State through qualitative development policies.

The 21st century is a collapsed system, the result of values that were associated with various currents of Western culture, including the scientific revolution, the Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution. This emphasis, supported by the patriarchal civilization model - the split between nature and culture, established by progress and reason - and encouraged by the predominance of this culture, led to a profound imbalance in thoughts and feelings, values and attitudes, and in social, economic and political structures. In the West, it is not just science, economics and politics that are imbued with the male paradigm; a society maintains the eternal promulgated by the Judeo-Christian religions that God was always male (EISLER, 1997; CAMPBELL, 2015). Given this context, questions may be asked: How does Wicca, a religion centered on the Goddess, that is, based on a spirituality of the divine feminine, contribute to facing contemporary challenges? More specifically, we ask: How do adherents of Wicca in Brazil see and induce these challenges and confrontations? In this panorama, we are interested in approaching the history of neopagan witchcraft from its creation to its arrival in Brazil; as well as the formation of the first Wiccan traditions in the country; understanding the nature of this female deity and the Myth of Creation and identify which practices and experiences, that an alternative religion, with a Western origin, centered on the spirituality of the Goddess, enable a response to the crisis of current and ongoing paradigms. Aware of the multiplicity of challenges and confrontations that make up the current scenario, we created an interview script that - in addition to providing information about the interviewed profile; about his entry into Wicca and providing insights into the nature of the Goddess in neo-pagan witchcraft; - could identify, from the perspective of Wiccans in Brazil, the most urgent challenges, as well as their practices and experiences in facing these challenges. The qualitative approach, carried out through a structured interview script, with open questions, enabled the identification of two major challenges: the female condition and the ecological and environmental crisis. We interviewed Wiccan adherents belonging to the Dianic Tradition of Brazil (TDB) and the Dianic Nemorensis Tradition (TDN). Both are pioneer traditions formed in Brazil and follow an orientation known as Dianic Wicca, that is, they worship the Goddess and God in their rituals, the emphasis is on the Goddess though. The field research took place in São Paulo (SP) and Brasília (DF). In addition to the interviews, we used as a source the literature produced by Wiccan authors, represented by Brazilian, European and North American authors. We seek a dialogue with theoretical contributions from authors in the fields of sociology, anthropology, history, psychology, philosophy, biology and physics. Among them, Russell and Alexander (2008), Hutton (1999), Heselton (2012a; 2012b), Hanegraaff (1998), Campbell (1990; 1997; 2015), Gimbutas (1997; 2007), Eisler (1989; 1997; 2007), Eliade (2010), Abraham (1998), Mackenna (1998), Barcellos (2019), Morin (2011; 2012; 2013; 2015), Latour (2020), Stengers (2015; 2017) and Federici (2019) The argument of this work is that in the Wicca from Brazil resides a movement of practices and experiences guided by the mythical and the rite, whose cosmovision allows a search to articulate the conscious feminine and masculine, in the direction of strengthening the anima in men and women through supporting for women - evoking a system of partnership; - in celebration with Nature and in magical activism and political engagement. In this sense, there is an attempt to build other everyday subjectivities, creators of other ways of living.

This paper proposes a study on the production of knowledge about the religious phenomenon from the theses of doctoral courses in social sciences (Anthropology, Political Science, Social Science, Sociology, Sociology and Anthropology, Sociology and Political Science, and Political Sociology) in Brazil in the last 20 years, in order to provide a consistent analysis about its challenges and contributions, its themes and theoretical repertoires, its researched subjects and the methodologies, methods and data collection instruments, as well as its absences and tendencies in responding to the challenges of innovation, social utility and potential for commercialization. The research is justified because, although the social sciences in Brazil have always paid attention to the religious phenomenon, although not always with the same intensity of interest, there are few published works that somehow try to offer a survey on what has been researched about religion and based on the doctoral theses, but also for the importance of relating two relevant themes throughout the history of social sciences–knowledge and religion—and for the need to analyze the use of indicators in the evaluation of knowledge produced in doctoral theses on religion. Regard the theoretical repertoire used to problematize the object of study and to do the data analysis, it was built from authors of the Sociology of Knowledge and the social sciences of religion, but with emphasis on the theory of knowledge production (Mode 2) by Michael Gibbons and the theory of knowledge societies by Nico Stehr, besides other thinkers who contributed to thinking about the challenges of innovation, social utility and potential for commercializing knowledge production. The method chosen for this research was the Parallel Convergent Mixed Methods, since the data collected are both qualitative and quantitative, and the technique or instrument for data collection was the Qualitative Content Analysis.

After the ascension of Raúl Castro in 2008 and the VI Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) in 2011, Cuba has been undergoing a gradual process of economic reforms, generally presented as an update of the development model, generating profound effects in the country's socioeconomic structure, with the rise of new social groups, and, along with them, new subjectivities. Given this situation, a problem arises: how is Cuban society constituted today? The present project arises with the purpose of discussing this issue, especially in a scenario that already adds up to a decade of reforms. As specific objectives, we seek to elaborate a conceptual panorama that allows us to understand the dynamics of Cuban reality (that is, this reality as a historical process) based on classical and contemporary references of historical materialism; identify the material basis of Cuban socialism, based on the country's economic and administrative framework; understand the role of the State in running the country today and in guaranteeing social rights and subsidies; and, finally, to point out the social groups present in the country today, contemplating their hegemonic disputes and emerging subjectivities. Our central hypothesis resides in the premise that emerging social groups are not incompatible with the current model, but as they assume increasing roles in economic life, the pressure for an increasingly intense opening to the market must grow. This study involved bibliographic and documentary research, primary data analysis and semi-structured interviews. Specialized periodicals in the field of social sciences in Cuba were very important, as well as statistical yearbooks on Cuban economy and society. The study demonstrated that, despite the great diversity of actors and perspectives present in Cuban society today and the social inequalities generated by the economic blockade and opening, there are no incompatibilities between the existence of certain social groups and the model of socialism combined with a market that today it is in effect on the island.

This research has as main objective to produce a study about the sexual and gender dissidences in popular culture from the performative production of the Reisado tradition in Juazeiro do Norte, Ceará countryside. To this end, I sought to perceive religious cultural manifestation as a form of plural embodied performativity, especially in view of the alignment of the precarious conditions of popular culture with the emergence of the performances of sexual and gender minorities in dance. From the circulations, directions, and becoming’s of street politics in the parade of jokers, I consider the LGBTQIA+ performance in Reisado dances to be a key point in understanding how the right to appear as a coalition framework can relate sexual and social minorities gender to precarious populations. Between the enchantment and disenchantment of the nomadic theater of Reisado, i followed the way in which subjective processes and subjectivation policies, through visibilities and dissimilarities, provide the dissenting bodies with lines of deterritorialization in the axes that structure the practices of social relations in the communities gender and sexuality dynamics in the regional artistic tradition. The investigation of performance, with the clipping of the Cycles of Kings from 2018 to 2020, led the analysis to follow danced body pathways, the implication of desire production processes and the connection of networks in Reisado groups. The map that was traced by the wanderings expresses cartographies of the disenchanted body, above all, points to the transit that artivism enchants in the dance scene and disenchants in sexual and gender dissent. Disenchantment allows us to understand how the spectrum of alliance vulnerability can establish gender micropolitics as a basis for resistance to more sustainable and viable living conditions. The research highlights that on the basis of resistance, vulnerability does not become action, but an emerging condition of life. Thus, I suggest that Reisado, in the framework of performativity, precariousness and politics, may appear as a provisional and transitory assembly, where misplaced performances are required and celebrated through the improvisations of the scenes of play, especially in the non-violent reconstruction of regulatory schemes traditions through the artivism of playful alliances in the arts of the Northeast.

In December 2011, a British TV channel broadcast the first episode of Black Mirror, a dystopian series that will soon be treated as a canon for Western artistic productions. Characterized by showing prognoses related to the advances in the field of digital technology production, this series, in twenty-four episodes today, built allegories that refer to the correspondence between developments of such advances and corrosion of ethical standards in contemporary times. We developed this thesis by looking at this correspondence. Our central analytical object were four episodes of the Black Mirror series. Our main objective in this research was to deepen reflection on the processes that connect or involve digital resources and the patent ethical crisis in modern liquid society (BAUMAN; DONSKIS, 2014). In this cognitive incursion, we highlight two negative effects that make the impacts of the crisis evident: digital narcissism and algorithmic statistics, both represented in Black Mirror, respectively in the episodes “Nosedive” and “The Entire History of You”. We chose the concepts of anthropotechnics and anthropotechnical exercises (SLOTERDIJK, 2018) as the appropriate tools to fulfill our objective. The South Korean philosopher Byung-Chul Han writings also anchor our intent, bringing to light to the presupposition that life in the Digital Sphere results in a context of absolutization of subjectivities and a consequent denarrativization of life.

The city is a “reified social” space (BOURDIEU, 2012), there we found and observe geographical distinctions become social distinctions, and therefore, moral ones. In face of such prognosis, it is considerable that those people installed in it for any kind of situation and circumstance they might face, need to be aware of at least how they are supposed to behave. Such behaviour mirrors our experiences with others throughout several times, and from them we manage, reciprocally, how to keep the “operation” of a society where we live from our birth. Those can be understood as strategies that, from rule applications, we use to show how we recognize the main rules of a group, and as for the city, we tend to be subject to many groups, in which, somehow, we play our roles. Even infringing them, we do so by acknowledging those rules. To think of such rules, we find submitted subjects who submit others to the ideal of a moral career (GOFFMAN, 2012,2013; PAUGAM, 2003), which refer to the regular sequences of changes one observes during their lives, in consequence of meaningful events that cause effects in the construction of their identities and in their image scheme, to be used to judge themselves and others. This paper aims to approach the moral career of a favelado (favela’s dwellers) in Natal, at Passo da Pátria, from an empiric qualitative research, to present how those individuals judge themselves and others beyond their community.

This work consists of the evaluation of the process of implementation of the regularization of the territory of the quilombola community of Aroeira, located in the municipality of Pedro Avelino (RN). In this text we find: a literature review on public policy issues, quilombola communities, among others; a documentary research in which the documents were analyzed, mainly concerning the policy of regularizing the territories of quilombola communities. The policy of regularizing the territory of these communities is supported by article 68 of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions Act of the Federal Constitution of 1988, however, the main landmark of effectiveness is Presidential Decree 4,887 of 2003. The process that we evaluated began in the year of 2006 and has not yet been concluded, therefore, the contributions presented here refer to the progress of the process and also bring an analysis of the role of institutions and the involvement of political actors, the challenges and advances contained, in addition to the perspectives built through the mobilization and associative practices, which involve the community with a view to transforming the political and social reality based on the regularization of its territory.

Disputes on the theme of Human Rights permeate the entire Brazilian public sphere, in the dimension of citizenship it is institutionalized in the Brazilian Republic through legislation and in schools from the strengthening of Education in Human Rights, under an ambivalence between “respect and citizenship ”(HONNETH, 2018). Through action research and the execution of two intervention plans with the students of the Escola de Tempo Integral Vereador José Moacir de Oliveira in São Gonçalo do Amarante / RN, together with the school teachers, we started to introduce the issues of diversity and understand their searches for “rights and recognition” (HONNETH, 2018), in a debate about the various rights violations that we are subjected to on a daily basis. In other words, in the face of issues in disputes and from this school microcosm and the influences that come from the “public and private spheres” (HABERMAS, 2014), the research sought to tell the story of the agents that make up the school's teaching / student public space researched and that also participate in the Brazilian public debate, as well as the present research introduced a fertile debate on human rights violations into the school routine, through workshops on gender, sexualities and political philosophy based on issues such as the age of criminal responsibility and of the violence that affects our young people. In view of the school routine, the purpose of this research was to contribute and show how students form opinions on the various themes of Human Rights, as well as to bring to light the current disputes between progressives and conservatives, revolving around problems of our private sphere and customs through the school space. Thus, we realize that the results ratified the current debate in the Brazilian public sphere, based on the disputes over capital themes that deal with authoritarianism and politics, as well as with genders and sexuality.

The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that the institutional intervention of labor tribunals is a praxis in the classic sense of Marxist dialectical analysis, and its decision-making behavior, relatively autonomous and independent, is effectively capable of transforming social reality, through a countermovement of demercantilization of the workforce, which is demonstrated by the real possibility of resistance to legislative innovations of market orientation brought by Act No. 13,467 (Labor Reform) of July 13, 2017, which amended Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (CLT).

Based on the concept of mode of production and the related concepts of social formation, regional structures, relative autonomy, structure in dominance and determination in the last instance by the economic base, fundamental concepts of Marxist thought developed by Nicos Poulantzas (1936-1979), we demonstrate that the labor tribunals, as a regional and autonomous instance of the capitalist mode of production, despite the double institutionalization it structures, integrating the reproduction of the productive exploitation of the labor force and the social protection of the worker, has not only structural independence in relation to the other powers of the Union, but also autonomy and functional independence for the authorized allocation and the defense of the social values of work, to the detriment of liberally oriented tendencies towards the commodification of the forces of production, which, in the dialectical analysis, constitutes an emancipatory praxis, capable of resisting changes and define the course of legislative innovations and their immediate political effects.

For the analysis of the emancipatory praxis of labor courts, in this work we use the method of dialectic analysis based on Benson (1977) integrated with the neoinstitutional approach, to study the power of transformation of the social reality of the institutional praxis of labor tribunals.

The application of the four principles of Benson's dialectical analysis allowed us to demonstrate that the institutional restrictions created by the intervention of the labor tribunals on legislative changes aimed at the implementation of production processes, structures and relations supposedly more efficient and effective, without critically examining the impacts on workers' living conditions and their parallel effects on the disruption of the whole society, represents a critical and emancipatory praxis to guide the rules, procedures, speeches, practices and interpretative schemes that make up the legal field of social protection of work , and thus represents a major obstacle to defenders of free market ideology.

The violence is a cultural and historical phenomenon found in society as a whole, a consequence of the socialization processes and inefficiency of the modern institutions. It is understood as a tool to end conflicts, both in the public sphere, through State organs and agents, and in the private sphere, as we see in gender-based violence cases.  The violence reaches high figures all over the country and is comprised as a complex phenomenon, hard to interpret and analyze. This dissertation is a study about violence that uses the analytical categories of gender and masculinity from the perspective of social conducts, social representations and narratives acquired individually and collectively as its theoretical and conceptual ground.The research begins with the analysis of men who committed gender-based violence crimes and were serving a sentence at the Centro de Detenção Provisória de Apodi/RN, in Brasil.  Studies on gender highlight that gender marks are the first to be internalized through the process of socialization, defining the gender performance of each individual. As a reflection of a society built on the cultural and ideological patriarchy basis, gender marks will put men in a privileged position and women in a subaltern one. The result is violent practices that reinforce this masculine behavior, usually seen as a natural demeanor. Law number 11.340/2006, known as Maria da Penha Law, brought innovations about protection and assistance to women but also changes towards the application of penalties for men, such as the possibility of creating educational and resocialization. The goal is to refrain these individuals from relapses and transform violent behavior. It is well known that the Brazilian legal system has not been able to reduce criminal practices and is inefficient to recovery convicts. Therefore, alternative sentences arouse in the legal doctrine as an option for the penitentiary system. Trough the Collective Subject Narrative technique, we interviewed men and women involved in gender-violence cases, between 2016 and 2017, in Apodi.  From the collected data, we built profiles of these individuals and conduct an analysis of the narrative of the collective subject, founding support on qualitative and quantitative methods of research, eager to comprehend the social representations that define the dominant habitatus inside the social roles given to these men and women.  The results reveal that there is no educational program for men convicted of gender-based violence in Apodi and emphasized the presence of alcoholic beverages in all situations of aggression. Violence against women in public space is also rising. It came to the attention that the men studied are not repeat offenders, but this is for fear of returning to prison and not because of a transformation in mentality about violent behavior.

This work is a study about the Venezuela that emerges from 2013, the year of the death of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frias, the main leader of the political process known as the Bolivarian Revolution. Despite being elected for another term in 2012, Chávez would succumb to cancer the following year, before taking office. According to the constitutional provision, new elections were called, and Nicolás Maduro Moros, Chavez's political successor, emerged victorious. The narrow margin, in relation to the runner-up in the 2013 suffrage, is used as a pretext, by the right-wing opposition and its foreign allies, to contest the legitimacy of the process. Since the beginning of his term, Maduro has faced not only an economic crisis, due to the fall in oil prices, but also a fierce opposition, which has strengthened since the elections of 2015, when it won the majority of the seats in the National Assembly. Within South America, a right-wing turn in neighboring countries has started an unprecedented process of political and diplomatic isolation to the Caribbean country. Such regional change, combined with new economic sanctions imposed by United States, encouraged opponents to the government and reinforced the problems faced by Venezuelans. Facing this complicated situation of crisis that this work intends to begin its analytical effort. Through a qualitative research and an exploratory approach, the answer to the following question will be sought: amid the Maduro government's struggle for political survival, what will be the perspectives for the model called “Socialism of the 21st century”? Data collection will take place through documentary research. The general objective is to build an analytical overview of chavismo in the period 2013 – 2019. The specific objectives are to: a) contextualize the internal and external confrontations in which Venezuela is involved; b) review what the government plan (Plan de la Pátria) considers as strategic in the social, political and economic spheres; c) analyze, from a theoretical discussion, the perspectives of the Venezuelan model. The study problematizes the pragmatism of necessity, given the internal and external difficulties, in view of the main slogans of what is presented as a horizon for a new type of socialism.

Agroecology and Food Security can be considered as a major challenger in 21st century in terms of their development, implementation, maintenance and guarantee. Such themes are occasionally discussed independently from each other but recently they have been emphasized in discussions which intersect them directly. In view of this emerging field of interaction, the objective of this research is to comprehend how the intersection between agroecology and food safety contents are being discussed in an academic- scientific scope, particularly in publications available in the most remarkable scientific databases. Due to a great diversity in publications a systematic literature review was chosen as a methodology to facilitate articles’ selection. Following analysis criteria guided by such methodology, 16 scientific papers were selected, which were published until 2018, in Portuguese, English or Spanish, available at SciELO, Scopus, Web of Science, and AGRIS platforms. After an investigation of these papers, it was observed a tendency on quali-quantitative design in articles’ theoretical-methodological attributes, in case studies or in literature reviews; also a thematic approach on the conservation of biodiversity, food sovereignty and the maintenance and development of agro-food ecosystems. The main arguments raised by the studies are concerned mostly in: biodiversity, food sovereignty, social movements, public policies, resilience and health. These arguments helped to verify that agroecological-based interventions can contribute to food safety guarantee since it is supported by two research discussion groups: promoting strategies in education field and eco knowledge; and encouraging a promotion and implementation of public policies in the area of sustainable food and agriculture. In addition, papers analysis also revealed an author’s concern in relation to agroecology development, focusing in a disposition of agreocology future. Allied to these considerations, current moment of abnormality caused by COVID-19 crisis has aroused to this research a similar proposal that was showed in papers analyzed. With this in mind, considerations on epistemologies of the south theory were approached to highlight the emergence of systemic changes in contemporary society for a deeply promotion and guarantee of agroecology and food safety.

From the Zumbi March, Against Racism, for Equality and Life on November 20, 1995, the fight against racism in Brazil developed an unprecedented form and content, in line with Brazil's integration into globalized capitalism and marked by defeats of the working class in the face of neoliberal governments. In this period of qualitative change in contemporary Brazilian antiracism, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) officially recognized the existence of racism in Brazil, affirmative actions were formulated, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) assumed unprecedented prominence and the category “race” it was rehabilitated in research on racial inequalities in the context of the rise of postmodern social theory. This set of determinations outlined a counterrevolutionary anti-racist strategy, which was named in this dissertation on social-liberal anti-racism. The governments of the Workers' Party (PT), from 2002 to 2016, carried out this strategy with relative success through the promotion of racial equality policies. The political crisis intensified with the 2016 parliamentary legal coup, however, accelerated the short-circuit process of social-liberal anti-racism and opened a fissure through which Marxist criticism has problematized the notions / premises of African ancestry, identity politics, place of speech, anti-communism and intersectionality. The historical and current example of anti-racism in the state of Rio Grande do Norte (RN) can contribute to elucidate, from the knowledge of its particularities, essential aspects of the development, consolidation and crisis of social-liberal anti-racism in Brazil.

In Brazil, the public debate concerning Social Security is always grounded in an emphasis on economic issues. Little is said about the maintenance of social protection, the primary function of social security, despite the evidence of its impact on territorial economic development caused by the distribution of income through the payment of the retirement pension to rural workers. Therefore, to understand how rural workers can have access to the retirement pension, this paper aims to evaluate the implementation of the rural social retirement pension in the Rural Territory of Citizenship of Potengi in the State of Rio Grande do Norte/Brazil, from 2014 to 2018. As a methodology, a theoretical dimension, concerning the history of social security in Brazil and its normative history was written, and also an empirical aspect, with field research to assess the implementation of the rural retirement pension in the Potengi Territory, based on the methodological approach developed by SôniaDraibe (2001). As a result, the research revealed that the implementation of the rural retirement pension in the Potengi Territory obtains a satisfactory evaluation of effectiveness.

The quest for women's economic autonomy is based on the feminist demand for inclusion in economic and social practices. In this context, organized women's movements, since 2003, have won the implementation of a set of public policies in order to promote development for rural women.  Among these achievements is ATER (Technical Assistance and Rural Extension), which is a policy of assistance rural producers to strengthen production, associativism and cooperativism. This work aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of the ATER program for women in the city of Currais Novos / RN from 2015 to 2017. More specifically, we propose to: investigate whether the program has contributed to women's autonomy, identify if economic changes and the perception of women's social role in the lives of beneficiaries have occurred since participating in the program; and finally, to investigate the socialization of domestic work and care within the families of the benefited women. The conceptual debate will be referenced mainly in feminist theorists Federici (2019), Hirata (2007), Kergoat (2007), Brumer (2004) and Carrasco (2018) in the approach of women's economic autonomy, sexual division of labor and feminist economics dialoguing with the concept of development as the freedom by Amartya Sen (2000). As for the research instruments for data collection, we used a semi-structured interview script and the focus group interview, such instruments allowed us to bring the assessment of the various actors and social agents directly involved in the effectuation of ATER. It became evident that the policy brought significant results to the women benefited, the increase in the production and in the financial autonomy provided the expansion of individual and collective capacities.

In Brazil, metropolitan governance has been the object of apprehension by government managers given the relevance of Metropolitan Regions (MR) for socioeconomic development. In this context, it is possible to point out important advances in the creation of an institutional design that collaborates with responses to the numerous challenges inherent in the theme, among which, the Metropolitan Statute (EM, initials in Portuguese) beneath the format of the Federal Law No. 13.089, of January 12, 2015. The purpose of the EM is to establish general guidelines for metropolitan governance, mainly through the preparation and approval of the Integrated Urban Development Plan (PDUI, initials in Portuguese). The PDUI is configured as the maximum instrument for the organization, planning and execution of public functions of common interest in the municipalities that are part of the MR. For the implementation of the Plan, the clause of administrative improbity (Administrative Improbity Law — Law No. 8.429/92) was added as a penalty for public managers who failed to prepare and approve the PDUI by January 2018. However, the changes promoted by the Federal Law No. 13,683, of June 19, 2018, place the Metropolitan Statute in a threatening position, since the concerned legislation removed the punishment in the case managers fail to take the necessary measures to generate the PDUI. It is argued, therefore, that the institutional and political impasses to the implementation of the Metropolitan Statute will be increased given the current modifications in Law No. 13,683/2018, which inserted the element of discretion over the main instrument of its implementation. Thereat, the PDUI now occurs for the convenience and opportunity of public managers when establishing governance relations, in the search to solve the public management of common interests in MR. For that manner, the present study aims to investigate the metropolitan governance in its interface with the guidelines of the Metropolitan Statute, considering the aspects of institutional organization, management and metropolitan planning, particularly in the Greater Vitória Metropolitan Region (RMGV, initials in Portuguese), considering that the managers responsible for the RMGV have advanced in the implementation of the EM, through the elaboration and approval of the PDUI, in the first term determined by the Law No. 13.089/2015. For this purpose, the theoretical and methodological basis that supports this analysis has as reference an adaptation of the “Governance Structures” model established by João Seixas, Rosa Branco and Sol Garson (2012). The methodology, following the guidelines of an interdisciplinary research, presents a qualitative approach, using bibliographic (metropolitan governance) and documentary (legislation on EM and RMGV) research. The research was complemented with semi-structured interviews conducted with actors responsible for the management of the RMGV and with participation in the preparation of the PDUI. At the end, it was found that coercion positively moved the institutional aspects for the elaboration of the PDUI, bringing the RMGV closer to the consolidation of the EM. However, the non-implementation of the Plan and the non-creation of the executive body formed by the representatives of the Executive Powers (state and municipal) distances the Region from the effective implementation of the guidelines of the Metropolitan Statute.

This study seeks to elucidate how Latin American metropolises representations form a continuous symbolic landscape and a single imaginary environment, which refers to the signification resulting from the production of its own cultural sense and common for cinematographically themed cities. Classify this cinematic equivalent of urban space as cinecity. In the Latin American case, specifically, this is an approach in which urban representations are predominantly dystopian and marked by social problems such as unemployment, structural inequality and urban violence, thus composing a common city in crisis. The study results from the articulation of some theoretical assumptions built to think about the relationship between metropolis and cinema (COSTA, 2002, 2005, 2008; PRYSTHON, 2006; KRACAUER, 1960; MORIN, 2005), together with the idea of continuous cities developed by Italo Calvino (1990). This articulation of ideas is applied here to reflect on the image of six cities: São Paulo, Buenos Aires, Caracas, Bogotá, Mexico City and Managua. To this end, the films Linha de Passe (Walter Salles and Daniela Thomas, 2008), Hermano: uma fábula sobre o futebol (Marcel Rasquin, 2010), Las Tetas de Mi Madre (Carlos Zapata, 2015), Elefante Branco (Pablo Trapero, 2009), La Yuma (Florence Jaugey, 2009) and Dias de Graça (Everardo Valerio Gout, 2011) are analyzed, where each represents one of the cities investigated. The analysis of these urban representations showed that, in the contemporary context, there is a significant proportion of film productions, within latin America, which looks at the city under the same lenses: the metropolis as the space of social degradation marked by structural problems. The origin of this common universe, according to my research, is found in the underdevelopment and dependence of Latin America. Inheritance, in this case, of a colonial past, of a peripheral modernity (SOUZA, 2009) and the deepening of a neoliberal agenda.

Considering that education is one of the indispensable means for the development of a region, it can be said that the expansion and interiorization of professional and technological education in Brazil has influenced the various corners of the country, among them, Seridó potiguar. Pacheco (2011) emphasizes that besides teaching itself, one of the purposes of vocational education through the Federal Institutes, is to act in favor of local and regional development, which in fact is already emphasized in the diagnoses made by some political actors when elaborating local and regional development policies at the state level (CAPRIGLIONE, MORETTI and NOGUEIRA, 2017). In this context, this thesis starts from the following question: What is the importance of IFRN and state planning for the development of Seridó? This question arises from the understanding that IFRN contributes positively to the development of Seridó, however, not always with full convergence with the objectives and purposes of local and regional development policies of state planning, represented here by the Project RN Sustainable. Therefore, our hypothesis is that these apparent partners (IFRN and RN Government) have different understandings about local development: the Federal Institute seeks to promote what is universal in this reality while state planning continues to identify only so-called “natural vocations” or potentialities of the region. Thus, the general objective of this thesis was to examine the relationship between the expansion and interiorization of professional and technological education and the development of Seridó potiguar, based on the activities developed by IFRN and the actions defined in state development planning through the Project RN Sustainable. Consequently, the specific objectives were: 1) to investigate the process of interiorization of IFRN, more specifically in Seridó; 2) analyze the actions and specificities of the Project RN Sustainable for Seridó; 3) examine the relationship between IFRN activities in Seridó and local development planning advocated in state planning guided by the Project RN Sustainable; and 4) to examine the convergences and divergences between IFRN's proposal for professional and technological education for Seridó in relation to the proposals of the Project RN Sustainable for Seridó in the axes of local development and professional education. As for the methodological construct, this research starts from the interpretative paradigm, of qualitative nature. About the objectives of the study, the research is explanatory; and as for the procedures, it is characterized by a documental and field research. Regarding the treatment and analysis of data, the content analysis proposed by Bardin (2009) was used. The results confirmed the hypothesis when they revealed that there are more divergences than convergences in the relationship between IFRN and state development planning, that is, the partnership between the Government of the RN and the IFRN is not fully effective, however, the data corroborate the importance of IFRN in the development process of Seridó.

This Thesis aims to analyze the implementation of the rural territories development policy, considered for the purposes of this research as composed of the National Program for the Sustainable Development of Rural Territories (Pronat) and the Territories of Citizenship Program (PTC), designed by the federal government since 2003 and operationalized in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, running regularly until 2016. It seeks to understand how a national policy conceived from the perspective of promoting a paradigmatic change in the relationship between the State and Civil Society was implemented. More specifically, this Thesis seeks to answer the following central questions: how was the rural PTR implemented in the Rio Grande Norte territories? Were there different configurations from one territory to another? Why? Which factors could explain this difference? To answer these questions, we chose to carry out the analysis through the theoretical perspective of the cognitive and normative approach to public policies, adopting in particular one of the analysis frameworks associated with it called forums and arenas or agonistic approach to public policies, which seeks to understand the dynamics of production and institutionalization of ideas and their influence on public policies. The theoretical-analytical framework is also composed of the notions of Referential (base of the forums and arenas model) and instrumentation of public action. The empirical research comprised four rural territories (Açu-Mossoró, Sertão do Apodi, Mato Grande and Seridó) from which we undertook the analysis, interspersed by the comparative perspective between them, taking into account the historical context of each of them, as well as the interests, strategies and resources used by the actors to defend their ideas and influence the decisions taken in the process of implementing and operationalizing the policy in these spaces. In terms of methodological procedures, we adopted a mix comprising bibliographic research, documentary research, field research (semi-structured interviews) with the main actors which participated in the policy implementation process, observation and analysis of secondary data. The results showed that rural territorial policy was guided by a global reference that excelled in the participation and democratization of public policies, which aimed, in the final analysis, at establishing new practices for interlocution between the State and civil society; the effects of the policy were more significant in the territories where there was already a social structure in the process of composition even before the territorial action of the MDA, allowing the conformation of local arrangements more adequate to the needs and specificities of family farming; the actors interpreted and adapted to their context the instruments of public action provided by politics through commitments signed in territorial arenas (territorial collegiate bodies), giving rise to other instruments or strategies, the main ones being the constitution of collective organizations (cooperatives) and the creation of spaces for the marketing of family farming products; the conflicts identified in the arenas were polarized by civil society actors and representatives of municipal governments and involved diverse interests related to the financing of actions in the territories; the rural territorial policy, supposedly intersectoral, remained under the sectoral logic with little progress in the integration of public policies within the scope of the federal government and between it and the other spheres of government (state and municipal).

The thesis investigates the impact generated by exhibitions that registered extraordinary numbers of visitors, held in Brazil since 2010. Such events are called blockbusters because of the similarity with the film industry, although they represent a different logic of planning, realization and reception by the public. Characterized by the diversity of content, the use of technological resources and the creation of interactive spaces, in addition to wide dissemination in the media and social networks, the exhibitions reach audiences that do not usually visit museums or cultural centers, amplifying the repercussion of these mostly free events. The research adopts the international attendance numbers published by The Art Newspaper to identify national cases and to understand the position occupied by Brazil in the global scenario. The exhibitions are analyzed as singular cultural products (KARPIK, 2007), by breaking with the logic that traditionally organizes this space, creating its own economy marked by uncertainty, multidimensionality and incommensurability. Theoretical, documentary and empirical research, through interviews and observation in the main cities, support the study of this set of events, while also allowing the investigation of broader aspects of the national artistic and cultural scene, carrying out a broad reading on the impacts caused on cultural institutions and cultural consumption patterns in the last decade.

This study aims at the first and second round presidential elections of 2018, more specifically the victory of the candidate of the Social Liberal Party (PSL), Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Our broader objective is to investigate the economic and social, political and ideological factors that contributed to the outcome of the election. Our problem: what is the political and ideological sense of the election of Jair Messias Bolsonaro, in the context of the contemporary phenomenon that we call the conservative wave? Therefore, the investigations about our object start from the problematization of the election in question, which led us to three factors that we consider to be predominant in our explanatory hypothesis. Our hypothesis is that three movements of the historical reality were determinant in the result of the election object of this study: first, a crisis of legitimacy of liberal democracies that has been accentuated throughout the West since the 1970s, characterized by the rise to power in several countries a new right-wing populism, whose developments in Brazil are conditioned and driven by our peculiar democratic trajectory and, specifically in the Brazilian case, the events of June 2013 were catalysts for a new conservative ideal; second, that the historical polarization of two competing projects in Brazil - one better represented by the PSDB and the other by PT, with alternation of power between them - found, starting in June 2013, markedly objective and subjective limits to continue reproducing the social consensus ; finally, the crisis of legitimacy and the inability to solve the problems perceived by society - which led to a decline in the main traditional parties of the Brazilian right - allowed the rise to the center of the hegemonic disputes of a new conservatism that had its main strength in bolsonarismo agglutinating, producing an ultraliberal-conservative pact that led Bolsonaro to victory.

The present work aims to read the images of the sea and the winds in Gilberto Avelino's poetry, presenting the resonances and repercussions of these images. I position myself as a reader/creator, who, driven by poetic reverie, builds images / memories. As specific objectives, I intend to understand what the elements water and air represent in the work of the poet from Rio Grande do Norte, establishing a dialogue between his poetry and the poetic philosophy of Gaston Bachelard. I use as a theoretical and methodological contribution the two perspectives that constitute the poetic imagination developed by the French philosopher: the material imagination of the four elements and the phenomenology of the imagination - conceptions that a priori can be perceived as different, as ruptures, but which are understood here as complementary. I also discuss homo poeticus, the poetic soul, a way of being, imagining and relating to the world. This work is based epistemologically on the Complex Thought developed by Edgar Morin, since it proves to be the most appropriate one to deal with the poetic being and poetic images. In addition to that, this research has a bibliographic character and a hermeneutical methodological approach to interpretation, not in the sense of finding “the truth” of the text, what is hidden in it or what is found behind Gilberto Avelino's poems. What I’m interested in is what he makes me think; what his writing makes me imagine; dreams, reverie, images that arise from the encounter between the self and the text. What I’m interested in are the resonances and repercussions of poetic images.

Latin America is facing a sort of “end cycle” of the governments that were known as “progressives” or “post-neoliberals”. This heterogeneous group of political forces attained the highest posts of command as a product of the weakening process of the neoliberal parties in the end of the 1990s, and of the economic crisis in Latin America in the early 2000s. Forces self-declared “national and popular” – as “kirchnerism” in Argentina, the government of Evo Morales in Bolivia, Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, and the Workers’ Party in Brazil – ascended to the presidency of these countries with a program of revenue redistribution and social inclusion, aiming to assimilate movements that opposed the neoliberal offensive within a platform of collaboration with local capitalists. Our aim was to find some of the reasons that called forth the reversal of the post-neoliberal political landscape in Brazil. This process resulted – amid severe contradictions – in the rearrangement of political forces traditionally belonging to the right-wing spectrum, after the parliamentary-judiciary coup d'etat in 2016, that ultimately led to the electoral triumph of Bolsonaro in 2018, aided by the Supreme Court of Justice and the tutelage of the Armed Forces. Methodologically, we went through the study of the conception of the State in the early discussions of foundation within the Workers’ Party, also in its National Congresses in the 80s, navigating through its policies when head of the State, in dialogue with some of the scholars who dedicated studies about this topic. We concluded that some of the reasons that explain this "reversal" in Brazil's political landscape are to be found in the Worker's Party own policies. The cornerstones of economic policies originated in the 90s and that had deepened in the Workers’ Party governments – specially the increasing process of outsourcing – and the further austerity measures adopted in Dilma Rousseff's second term collaborated in the strengthening of right-wing forces which attained power after 2016.

As a result of popular struggles in the country, the social participation became one of the components of organization and management of public policies, by means of creation and institutionalization of management councils, endowed, officially, of deliberative nature and parity composition with representatives of government and civil society. This led them to consider an institutional innovation in Brazil because it carried with it the possibility of some changes in the implementation of public policies. However, many researches point out that there are several factors that limit the operation of the council decisions and distancing what was deliberated and implemented. This work has as a background the concern with the policy of social assistance and management of child and adolescent care in Rio Branco city. The problem of this research was to inquire how the implementation of the deliberations agreed by the City Council of Children and Teenagers Rights – CCCTR, occurred in the period from 2013 to 2016. The answer of this question headed the work and led us to identify the factors that were involved and interacted in the process of implementing their deliberations. Its main goal was to evaluate the implementations of deliberations of CCCTR as guiding hypothesis that the institutional of the Council, being only formally deliberative and supervisory, make it difficult to implement the deliberations. The methodology used in the present study was the analysis of the implementation process, emphasizing the sub-processes of training, dissemination and information, monitoring and evaluation. For the collection of data and information, the indirect documentation technique was used by means of bibliographical and documentary research, and also direct documentation by means of application of a questionnaire and an interviewing with 18 municipal counselors, defined as research sample. It was found that, in the period between 2013 to 2016, the CCCTR had the implementation of its deliberations compromised and permeated by several shortcomings in the progress of the actions. It was observed that the traditional form of monthly meetings had been innocuous in terms of deploying decisions and mobilizing resources. The research has shown that the council of rights has a very limited range of action. With regard to deliberative competence, it was observed that it is a fragile council, with not enough power to go ahead with its resolutions. And the legal competence of social control consisted of a partial control, in which the inspection was directed to civil society organizations that provide care to children and adolescents. The institutional conditions under which the council is subjected are unfavorable to the progress of the implementation of its deliberations. Because it is not an authorizing agency of expenditure and does not deliberate on other actions, it becomes dependent and linked to the municipal structure of the State, where municipal managers direct where to use the most important resources.

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What does it mean to be normal? Is there only one way to be a disabled person and a wheelchair user? This is the reflexive challenge of the research which resulted in this Master's dissertation. The focus of its discussion is the body of the wheelchair person seen as a transgressor of the social conduct norms, taking into consideration that digital technologies and media create new experience possibilities. From March to September of 2018 and from April to May of 2019, we have executed an ethnography and a documental research focusing on the digital platforms (website, Facebook   and   Instagram) of the "Cantinho dos cadeirantes", a virtual space of socialization created by Carolini Constatino that counts nearly 45,000 followers on Facebook and 15,000 on Instagram. The metodology has included the interaction with the participants of these spaces, the analysis of the content published on the platforms and the application of questionnaires with four participants and the administrator of the platforms. The determination of the corpus analyzed in this study has obeyed the succeeding criteria: number of likes, comments and shared posts, and the recurrence of the topics covered. We identified that the narratives related to corporal experiences, as well as the sociabilities which resulted from the use of the platforms were plural. In addition, such aspects favored distinct possibilities for the existence of their actors in multiple aspects of social life, as the political, the ones related to sexuality, and the existence or not of acceptance of one's own body. By means of the ethnographic insertion, we observed manifestations of diversity when it comes to being a wheelchair user though the “Cantinho dos Cadeirantes”, by evoking discussions which deal with themes directly related to the daily life of these people. Therefore, we concluded that the "Cantinho" is an agency which potentializes the deconstruction of prejudice and ableism regarding people with disabilities. As a theoretical support, we applied the ideas of ableism and normative body (Anahí Guedes Mello, 2014), agency (Sherry Ortner, 2007), technology and its socio-political impacts (Bortolazzo, 2016;  Bauman, 2018; Serres, 2018), and of social construction of the body (LeBretton, 2017; Mauss, 2003; Mary Douglas, 1988).

This research aims to comprehend food contemporaneity, as well as diet, by problematizing the individual/society relationship in the metropolis from the film Requiem for a dream, directed by Darren Aronofsky (2000). Considering that cinema has much to say about social aspects, whose transformations are determinant in food practices, this dissertation took the perspectives of Gilles Lipovetsky (2014) when it comes to considering communication mediums as accelerators of the process of individualization; Zygmunt Bauman (2001) to reflect about such process as a fatality rather than a choice; Georg Simmel (1903) to investigate how the life in the metropolis affects the individual and causes the blasé attitude; Michel Foucault (1984) for contextualization of what represents dietetics; and Edgar Morin (2014) and Edgar Carvalho (2008) to using filmic analysis as means for sociological investigation. The film, the corpus of this work, was analyzed through four reading keys (television, dress, refrigerator and table), considered as elements of the narrative that dialogue with contemporary sociocultural aspects. Through this analysis, we intrepret that the movie Requiem for a dream problematizes themes which allow inferences about compulsions and ways of dealing with the body that interfere with food; that the manipulation of the body through diet may symbolize a way of dealing with the blasé phenomenon caused by metropolitan life; and that the weakening of social relationships has significant impact on  transformationsand excessive concerns associated with food and the act of eating.

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The Affirmative Group of Independent Women (GAMI), which is located in Redinha, a neighborhood of Natal city, RN, has arisen in 2003, when some lesbian and bissexual women detached themselves from the Habeas Corpus Potiguar Group (GHAP). The GHAP has been one of the first homossexual movements of the city, where there was also the activism of lesbian and bissexual women, who until then did not feel that their agenda had been represented by the group. Thus, they decided to form an autonomous movement. The women who created the GAMI started to act by considering the feminist claims, because at some moments the demands of the lesbian movement had a lot in common with feminism. Thereby, this paper aims to understand the historical shift of the GAMI, which has migrated from a homossexual movement to the field of feminist ideas. Accordingly, the group is here presented, in terms of its history and political formation, and its acts in the feminist movement and its activities and projects performed in the neighborhood are also analysed. As a ethnographic research, this work was conducted by my participation in different activities performed by the group: political formations, leisure activities and social projects. Through a qualitative approach, the adopted methodological procedures were participant observation, interviews, and bibliographical research. The achieved data indicate that the group is a space for affirmation of the identify of lesbian and bissexual women and also a mechanism for developing new agencies, in order to redefine new life practices. Furthermore, it was noticed how much the group is important to the current LGBTQ + movement, to the movement of women, and to the production of new feminisms, especially the peripheral feminism.

The thesis takes segregation and stigma, leprosy marks as references to discuss the main religious, political and scientific aspects related to the disease, from the sacred texts and some scientific doctrines of the nineteenth century, and its main consequences in the consolidation of the society has built around leprosy. The origins of the disease are presented, from a historical and epidemiological point of view. And its main implications in societies over the centuries. Analyzing the different ways of treating the disease both physiologically and socially. Discussing the process of compulsory isolation, especially in Brazil. The discussion is based on the complex relationships that involve the compulsory hospitalization of lepers. And it was organized from three parts: live leprosy, leprosy and public health, and macroscopic scenery of leprosy. The entire thesis is permeated by an interview with an interlocutor who lived with leprosy throughout his life, and narrated his daily life from statements of very specific moments of his life. Throughout the thesis will be used the term leprosy in respect to the tradition and sometimes, the technical term leprosy.

In August 2010, the National Solid Waste Policy - (Federal Law No. 12,305) went into force in Brazil. Through the validity of such law, municipal responsibilities were proposed regarding the integrated management of solid waste. It was indicated that recyclable and reusable material collectors should be part of the municipal selective waste collection programs. The law also specified that it is necessary to promote economic emancipation and social inclusion of these historically excluded individuals. As a model for social inclusion, the policy clarifies information regarding the need to create of self-managed organizations (cooperatives and associations) of collectors as well as the need to hire them for municipal selective collection. Although, in Brazil, these types of contracts are not yet common, these organizations are being included in the selective collection programs. On the other hand, the existence of different internal realities within these organizations may lead to the need of further research related to local public support that may in the long run, avert the organizations away from the legally established goals. Thus, the following research questions were proposed: In the same realm of relations, do organization, collectors and the municipal public power have the same capacity of social inclusion? What factors contribute to distancing organizations from the reach the legal purposes? It is assumed that the relationship between collectors, municipal public power issues such as the effectiveness of the municipal selective collection program, the diversity of partnerships established by the organizations, the leadership on behalf of representatives and the self-management capacity of the organizations contribute to the existence of different inclusion realities. Thus, this work aims to study the social inclusion of Recyclable Materials Collectors according to the established model within the Brazilian National Solid Waste Policy. In order to carry out the study, it was essential to discuss the labor activity carried out by these collectors and present the Brazilian model of social inclusion of these individuals according to national Law 12,305 guidelines. After this research phase, case studies were carried out. These considered the recyclable materials collectors organizations in Rio de Janeiro Curitiba and Natal. In order to address the specific realities of the selected organizations, the sustainability indicators developed by the Brazilian National Health Foundation in 2016 were used as guidelines. It was possible to analyze leadership profiles of those who were responsible for the organization during the research. In the end, it was verified that organizations that have the same support offered by the public power presented a differentiated capacity according to aspects such as the president leadership profile, effectiveness of the municipal selective collection program, as well as the diversity of partnerships organizations. In addition to this, and in spite of legal predictions, the surveyed organizations still presented challenges related to management, operational efficiency, working conditions, health and safety on behalf of the collectors.

The existing scientific framework on the theme of youth focuses on urban studies, in the lines of work and education. The foundation of the recognition of the young person as subject of rights is a mark of these studies. In order to broaden the universe of studies on the theme, the research seeks to elucidate studies in other universes - the rural world - and aims to learn the individual and collective life projects of young people inserted in the territorial dynamics of Mato Grande / RN. In addition to recognizing the identity of these social subjects, and their entry as such in the field, it is fundamental to answer the research question: Why do young people leave the field? What are your dreams and desires and your relationship with permanence or leaving the field? Methodologically the thematic transversality should guide the research since the foundation of the recognition of the young person as subject of rights is a mark of the current academic studies and their comprehension of integrality from several areas, contributes to understand the individual and collective projects of the subjects in question. The research methodology was centered on bibliographic studies and qualitative research, using a bibliographical survey, documentary analysis, as well as the technique of focal group with young members of the territory. We will focus on some theoretical categories for analysis such as Youth, rural youth, trajectory, life projects, autonomy and emancipation. We will emphasize the use of the focal group technique as a facilitator, since this technique makes possible a proximity with the researched population and contributes in a significant way to deepen the themes in question, above all, in the dimension that is intended to investigate: youth as an integral subject. Thus, naming our audience as subjects will be our research option.

Based on a dialectical perspective, the research proposes to discuss popular participation and its relation with the effectiveness - notably ineffectiveness - of the norms of urban law, through the confrontation between the Federal Constitution, the City Statute, the Metropolis Statute and the Plan Director of the Municipality of Natal in the State of Rio Grande do Norte. For purposes of this work, effectiveness is understood as the conformity of the actual situation with the legal situation granted or determined by the standard. In this sense, the first stage of the work consists in the revision of the literature focused on the legislation and legal instruments of urban law that regulate the urban space in the municipality of Natal. Next, we intend to criticize the illusion of urban law and the predominantly positivist conception that predominates both in the elaboration of legislation in Natal-RN and in the application of such norms. In addition, in order to investigate the causes of noncompliance with norms of urban law, it is understood that it is necessary first to study the city and society in which we live, the relation of identification and belonging of the individual with the city in which he lives, what mechanisms of participation effectiveness of such individuals. In other words, it is necessary to understand in depth the ideas of democracy and justice, based on the precepts of freedom and equality for the understanding of our reality. In this sense, the objective is to evaluate whether the usual means and procedures used to legitimize public decisions in the sphere of urban policies are supported by social legitimacy. Thus, it is essential to discuss the right to the city from the study of popular participation. Therefore, it is urgent to rethink conceptually Law as a science, specifically the role of Urban Law and urban plans in the current Brazilian scenario, and the necessary change from its normative-rationalist character to a more pluralistic view that the promotion of less unequal social and territorial justice. It is defended the thesis that the right to the city as a legal recognition of the individual's power to take ownership of the city, including the ability to dispute and decide on their spaces achieved by various routes, including planning and spatial justice as a possibility derived from urbanistic law, only operates in an environment of social legitimacy with effective popular participation and the realization of a dialogical public administration. We then proceed to the conceptual reconstruction of the right to the city from a political conception by essence. This idea is fundamental to address the issue of legitimacy and legitimation of public decisions within the city of Natal-RN as well as has influence in the analysis of the experiences found associated with new urban practices. Finally, we confront the current situation and discuss the perspectives for a new urban strategy in Natal-RN.

The following thesis investigated the relation between the aesthetic modernity in Carlos Drummond de Andrade’s poetry, emphasizing the 1930s and 1940s, considering the modernization of Brazilian society in that same period. Using Benedict Anderson’s concept of imagined community, we analyzed Drummond’s contribution to the formation of Brazilian society in the light of aesthetic modernity and the modernization at capitalism’s periphery. For this purpose, we took a methodological approach which used two material supports in two distinct fronts of performance. The first one is in the public sphere, where we undertook the scrutinizing of the poet’s first five books – Alguma poesia (1930), Brejo das almas (1934), Sentimento do mundo (1940), José (1942) and A rosa do povo (1945) –, whose objective was the analysis, in the area of the sociology of culture and art, of the modifications and games in aesthetic modernity on the interface with the dynamics of writers and intellectuals at the first Vargas Era. The second support, this time in the private sphere, was directed in the research of three epistolaries respective authors contributed for the understanding of the dynamics and internal conflicts that led to the imagined modern Brazilian community. Among the letter writers who exchanged mail with Drummond, in chronological order, here in this thesis, we have Mário de Andrade with his performative verve and his crossroads in modern aesthetics; Alceu Amoroso Lima and the political climate of the chimerical Catholicism in the routine of the public servant and poet Drummond; and finally Cyro dos Anjos, the melancholic amanuensis, who in the daily asshole revealed to us the circumstances and the anguishes of the intellectual / writer on the periphery of capitalism.

The Cultural Policy is the theme of this research and its object is the implementation of the National Culture System (NCS), in the city of Macapá, state of Amapá. The National Culture System (NCS), created by a specific law - Art. 216-A of the Constitutional Amendment No. 71, of November the 29th 2012, is the main articulator of the National Culture Plan (NCP) that, in its turn, establishes mechanisms of shared management between the federated entities and civil society and determines the goals and strategic guidelines for the qualification of the public cultural policies in the country. The research "Cultural policy: the implementation of the National Cultural System in the city of Macapá / AP, 2006-2016" had the objective of evaluating the implementation of the National Culture System (NCS) in the city of Macapá, state of Amapá, during a period of ten years (2006 to 2016). Specifically, the objectives were: a) to compare the results obtained with the implementation of the policy decision formulated (the policy) in its beginning; b) to evaluate the main actions that guided the Culture Policy in the city of Macapá and its level of integration and complementarity to the National Culture Policy (NCP), based on the principles and values that govern the current NCP; and, c) to evaluate the involvement and participation of agents and interest groups, seeking to discover what kind of relationships and established interactions are presented with relevance and predominance of logic in the reality of Macapá. Methodologically, this research consisted of a bibliographical review of the literature pertinent to cultural policy and public policies and its evaluation approaches that focuses on the denominated public policy cycle, specifically on the implementation phase and, from a systemic perspective of the process, on the importance that the concept of systems acquires in organizational studies. Considering the conceptual acceptance of the Ministry of Culture on the dimensions of culture - symbolic, citizen and economic - this research sought to absorb, in the universe researched, one of those three perseptions. The field research was conducted through interviews and consultations with two mayors from the period in question; seven managers of the culture, in two hierarchical levels (level of coordination of organ and technical-operational level), and, among these, was considered end area and middle area; artists and intellectuals of society organized in associations, collectives and groups, in a total of sixteen representative units; and two private service providers, Sesc and Sebrae. The result obtained with the research showed that the culture policy of Macapá from 2006 to 2008 gained some autonomy with the transformation of a department linked to the Municipal Department of Education and Culture and became the Municipal Culture Coordination (COMCULT) although culture has constituted itself as a "flagship" in the political will of this management and is emphatic to cultural diversity, it has not been implemented along the lines of the NCS. In the subsequent management, from 2009 to 2012, a contradiction is emphatic: Comcult ascended to the Municipal Foundation of Culture (FUMCULT), but in practice, culture policy suffered a total rupture and its marks were the discontinuity and lack of formulation and political will. In 2013, with the new elected municipal administration, Fumcult resumes the policy of culture already with the initial intention in favor of being guided by the SNC. Until 2016, the macapaense culture policy was in the process of implementing the regulatory mechanisms, the Municipal Cultural System Law - in which the implantation of the Municipal Culture System (MCS) was foreseen, with the constitution of all its mechanisms of action - and, therefore, we infer that the NCS and SMC in Macapá, until 2016, was in the initial process of implementation.

The present doctoral thesis intends to perceive the role of composer in the ritual process of samba story construction for the annual carnival parade in Natal/RN. The samba story is an artistic-cultural aspect of samba school in which we found an intense process of dialogic interaction making a complex network of social relations, immersed in dialogues and tensions, within and without of samba school. Through the ethnographic experience and with the aid of historical sources, we reflect, within the extraordinary carnival time, this plot about the samba story composition, focusing on the composer as cultural mediator, his vision and translation of real world that surrounds him, as well as established relationships with the other actors, especially the carnival designer and samba’s co-authors, including the network of meanings in which he is involved since the plot story’s launch until the end of carnival parade.

This thesis aimed to conduct a Political Evaluation of the MEI Program as a way of elucidating its principles, fundamentals and substantive content in the light of well-being and state functions. The object under evaluation is a Federal Government Program that officially aims to foster competitiveness, expand social protection and provide improvement in the quality of life of individual microentrepreneurs. As a reference for Political Evaluation, a sub-field of Public Policy Evaluation, a systematic framework based predominantly on Barry and Rae's (1975) theoretical-methodological construct was used. It is noteworthy that also composed the base structure of evaluation important theoretical elements derived from the works of Kozik (2010); Souza (2014); Figueiredo and Figueiredo (1986); and Arretche (2009). In order to achieve the nuclear objective, it was initially sought to characterize and understand the object from its official guidelines and institutional dynamics. Following, the elements of state functions present in the composition of the official content of the program were identified. The investigative course proceeded with the unveiling of the implicit substantive content (ideology, objective and program theory), which made possible, within a rational logic, the development of final analyzes. Regarding the methodology, this study was inspired by the methodological conception of Gray (2012), as well as the taxonomy presented by Vergara (2000). Because it seeks to give meaning to the object, guided not only by the theoretical assumptions adopted, but also by the principles of Political Evaluation, the epistemological stance is characterized as subjectivist. As for the ends, in a critical perspective, the research is defined as explanatory. As for the means, following the methodological expertise observed in the praxis of different Political Evaluation, the research is documentary and bibliographic. As treatment strategy and data analysis were used different techniques, as follows: Document Analysis; Description of the program theory; Content analysis; and Foucault's (1997) interpretation techniques, associated with some dialectical elements (LOWY, 1985). As a result, it was found that the MEI Program is a reflection of the neoliberal movement that through political reforms has continually sought not only to strengthen and optimize the role of the private sector in the economy, but also to develop flexible, compensatory and focused policies. Furthermore, it was found that the principles, foundations and substantive content of the program neglect the sole foundation of the Political Assessment, well-being, and seek fundamentally to maintain the order, cohesion and conditions of reproduction of the political-social system. capitalist from a neoliberal perspective. To this end, it primarily fulfills the state functions of system integration; legitimation; regulation; neutralization of collective action trends, and individualization.

This thesis aims to analyze the development process of two microregions of Rio Grande do Norte, the Chapada do Apodi and the Seridó Ocidental, considering the perspective of Amartya Sen (2010). The regions choice is due to their Human Development Indexes being equal to or higher than other areas of the State, they also have great social capital and both have strong collective identity. They are geographically close, but have very different histories. The central focus is to understand the elements and structures responsible for permanence or changes in trajectories, as well as to understand which are the main networks and institutions for combating deprivations and strengthening freedoms. This thesis made a brief historical and institutional reconstitution of these regions and, through in-depth interviews, traced social relations of individuals inserted in these spaces, with the aim of analyzing networks and measurements. In conclusion, it has been observed that while in Apodi several networks and structures have emerged in the last 30 years; in Seridó, there was a resignification of existing institutions. Finally, this research points out that these development processes were not constituted by pre-established rules, but they occurred as a result of rooted local individuals who were aware of the current structures and, at the same time, with the strengthening of their autonomy, they were not enticed by external interests to the community.

This thesis made possible an investigation about body, sex, gender and recognition in order to problematize and analyze the discursive practices that involve intersexuality. Therefore, medical documents, legal documents and data produced by DataSus were analyzed in order to interpret the discourses that produce invisibility of the intersex body. In this sense, the research understands that intersexuality appears as a disassembly of binary biological fiction established in the so-called male and female bodies, as it shows a sex that does not end with sexual difference. It is a body continnum naturally presented by the biological body. Methodologically, intersexuality articulates distinct discourses and knowledges and allows as narrative production to transit in different fields, so we sought in this joint investigation between document analysis the observation of two hospitals in the city of Natal / RN, semistructured interviews with professionals in the field of health of observed hospitals and case study with a young potiguar intersex in order to locate intersex in the NB. From the queer studies the research thinks sex and gender as categories meaning from the culture and the dialogue with Mauro Cabral (2005), Aníbal Guimarães (2014), Paula Sandrine Machado (2005) provide a critical and sociological reflection on the intersex experience, trying to cross the discourses that regulate and dismantle the intersex bodies in the pretension of (re) creating a sex in congruence with the gender in the heteronormative logic.

The purpose of this Dissertation is to analyze coalitional presidentialism in view of to promoting stability or instability in the decision-making process or in the implementation of the political agenda. The discussion around the research on coalitional presidentialism and the main arguments concerning this issue is confronted with the social and economic progress made after the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988. These important social and economic advances are an expression of the social contract of redemocratization, whose initial term was established by the 1988 Constitution and increased, with greater or less emphasis, by governments, based on the rules of the set of social, political and economic institutions. The advances achieved in the context of coalitional presidentialism did not occur without ideological, legal and political barriers having to be overcome. Among these obstacles stand out patrimonialist practices, with a long tradition in Brazil. Patrimonialism is a concept that maintains its strength, validity and operational effectiveness and, therefore, can be contemporaneously confronted with the potential for governance under the coalitional presidentialism. From this it follows that political and economic institutions can be analyzed from the perspective of patrimonialism as a starting point for determining the degree of social inclusion that these same institutions can promote. This research considers the institutional design perspective of coalitional presidentialism, notably the decision-making process and not only its formal and legal framework, and confronts the mechanics of coalitional presidentialism with the impeachment process of President Dilma Rousseff. The governance category is instrumentalized to analyze how the Executive, the Legislative and the parties are constituted as decisive political actors in the process of forming the coalition and exerting influence in the political arena. It is not possible to say that coalitional presidentialism degrades democracy and contributes to the depredation of citizenship by public and private actors. Coalitional presidentialism promotes the sharing of power between the Executive, the Legislative, other political bodies and organized civil society, admits the mediating role of the Judiciary, makes possible mechanisms to avoid the dominance of the Executive and is endowed with mechanisms capable of generating conditions for the increase of the contract social of redemocratization and for the improvement of inclusive political and economic institutions.

This work presents the results of an investigation that sought to identify the urban phenomena responsible for the growing number of young adults and adults who use the Carrefour hypermarket parking lot, located in the southern part of the city of Natal / RN, as a place of socialization for activities related to leisure . The objective was to identify the causes of these choices, as well as to demonstrate which groups attend the place and what activities they perform in this space. As methodological tools, quantitative and qualitative methods were used with questionnaires, semi-structured interviews and direct observation. The results obtained point to the urban violence that has increased in recent years, the need to seek new spaces and safe leisure options, as well as the search for the experience of sociability with peers as a strategy to resist the problems caused by adult life. Moreover, we find several youths, mostly from other regions of the city and from Natal, with differences in social class, income and schooling, but who coexist predominantly in a harmonious way in the parking lot. In addition the space is also frequented by groups of adults as leisure option, we highlight here the groups of turbinated cars, the 'ships' and those that look for the area to develop physical activities.

Today there is a vertiginous increase in a class of mental illnesses, depression, designated by the World Health Organization (WHO) as the most incapacitating disease in the world, which affects about 300 million people. The creation of comprehensive diagnoses and drug treatments are often questioned and criticized because they do not define the barrier between normality and pathology. Within the spectrum of medical-scientific approaches going through the newscasts to the social stigma of illness are the diagnostic individuals with depression and their lives, their affections, dreams, and relationships. In this sense, this dissertation project proposes a study about the discourses about depression elaborated by individuals diagnosed with the disease, as well as the expressions of their social and family relations. The proposal is first to investigate the discourses produced by depressives, through their relationship / understanding with / about the disease, attended by the volunteer service of the Healthy Community project in the neighborhood of Cidade Esperança, Natal / RN. As well as their family and social relationships. Methodologically, a qualitative approach will be used, with in-depth interviews being applied, considering the life history of the research actors. Later the theoretical discussion will be made and the research discussions will be extracted.

The dissertation aims to analyze and reflect on the Maria Penha Law and the socio-educational devices arranged in Rio Grande do Norte. For this, methodologically, the work constitutes a qualitative research based on the analysis of the text of the Law, as well as the documents and programs produced by the state of Potiguar in the socio-educational axis. In this sense, we make use of Foucault's perspective of discourse analysis (Foucault, 1996), trying to identify how gender and violence are constructed as discursive practices that mark the subjects, since in the Law, universal and essentialized characteristics classify men and women. From the Law we evaluate how the programs under the perspective of the socio-educational axis promote their actions in an attempt to reflect and identify their effectiveness in Rio Grande do Norte. With this, we intend to highlight in the process of education significant elements for coping with and reducing domestic violence.

This dissertation aims to investigate the contemporary city from the phenomenon of "Urban Art", specifically the segments - graffiti and pixo -, in the city of Natal. Based on the proposal to think "the city as an open book", to articulate the theoretical concepts with the artistic experimentation in which the researcher is inserted, the surface of the city is thought in this context as material of scientific analysis while dense narrative description. For this purpose, three main concepts are explored; or of minor literature (DELEUZE, GUATTARI, 1977); the sharing of the sensitive (RANCIÈRE, 2005); and heterotopia (Foucault, 2013). In this sense, the research chains the intellectual exercise with the poetic sensibility, to perceive and to think the urban writings. Thus, the purpose of the work is to highlight the narratives enunciated by these practices, questioning how they re-signify urban space in aesthetic and political terms, insofar as they challenge the architecture of the city.

The right of property of quilombola communities was only formally recognized a century after the abolition of slavery in Brazil, with the edition of article 68 of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions Act - ADCT of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The objective of this research was to evaluate the implementation of the policy of land regularization of quilombola territories in the state of Piauí from 2004 to 2017, based on the case study of the titling process of the Contente Community, located in the municipality of Paulistana - PI. We analyze the context of the implementation process of this public policy, identifying the factors that interfere in the achievement of the established objectives, based on Bourdieu's concept of life trajectory (2003), which has already been worked out by Gussi (2008) and Rodrigues (2011) in evaluating social policies in Brazil. The methodological procedures used were a review of the literature on the evaluation of public policies, land regularization, quilombos, ethnic identity and territoriality; documentary research on the said policy and its implementation in the case studied (STAKE, 2011; YIN, 2010); in field research, direct observation and semi-structured interviews with technical implementers and managers, representatives of the quilombola social movement and residents of Quilombo Contente. Despite the legal-institutional progress with the publication of Decree number 4887/2003 and the Brasil Quilombola Program (2004), which allowed the structuring of a specific sector in the Regional Superintendence of Incra in Piauí, implying better qualification of the demands and improvement of the actions to regularize quilombola territories, and with the creation of State Law number 5.595 / 2006 that for a given period has made titling processes on state lands faster, the results are still not satisfactory in the face of growing demand. Prevalence of delays and discontinuities in actions motivated mainly by the budget constraints of the last decade and the complexity of the federal legislation of quilombos land regularization. The implementation difficulties favor the increase of conflicts in the field with the advance of economic agents and the clashes faced in the parliament with the so-called "ruralist group", as it occurs in the Content Community, which during the titration process experiences a series of violations of rights guaranteed to the traditional populations before the installation of Transnordestina Railroad.

The theme of this dissertation refers to the role of the Legislative Power in the lawmaking process. Such a discussion brings in the relationship between the Executive Branch and the Legislative Branch which revolves around the strong predominance of governors over assemblies within the scope of state policy in Brazil. The main hypothesis here is that in this relationship the Executive, due to its agenda-setting in the lawmaking process, would exercise predominance over the Legislative, while the deputies would present a low degree of participation in the decision making process. Based on a case study, and having as an empirical reference the Legislative Assembly of Paraiba (LAPB), specifically the work within the Committee on Monitoring and Control of Budget Execution in the period between 2011-2014, this research sought to analyze the parliamentarians’ behavior before the Executive and the difficulties of this Power to approve the Annual Budget Laws (in the Portuguese acronym, LOAS) in a context dominated by the opposition in the Assembly. The evidence presented in the research indicates that, in spite of the constitutional prerogatives of the Executive which favors the approval of its legislative agenda, the LAPB parliamentarians within the Commission of Monitoring and Control of the Budget Execution presented a significant degree of participation, especially in view of the approval of the parliamentary amendments to the Annual Budget Laws sent annually by the Executive. This finding contradicts the current hypothesis in the specialized literature, which suggests a low degree of participation of these deputies in the lawmaking process. In what concerns the hypothesis related to difficulties of the Executive Power in approving its bills before an opposition-dominated Assembly, this research demonstrated that the governor used two strategies: by means of the institutional route, he created the "Social Pact for Paraiba" which enabled the direct access to mayors; and the "Democratic Participatory Budget” which provided direct access to the population and grassroots leaders of each municipality. From the analytical point of view, the evidence suggests a rich mosaic of Executive/Legislative relations in the state decision-making system, pointing to the need for a future research agenda which can account for the variations and diversity of state political systems in Brazil.

The present dissertation is a study about the Cariri of Ceará in the "lead years", that is, in the period in which Brazil was subjected to the horrors of a military dictatorship. The aim is to recover the economic, social and political scenario of the region, taking as reference the post-coup of 1964. To analyze the political resistance before, and particularly after the adoption of Institutional Act n. 5. In Cariri, not only does an area of political refugee form, but, in the same way, a route is set up by which political activists of the left are anxiously seeking ways to confront authoritarianism in force. This work, based on the dialogue with authors that deal with the theme and in testimonies, some unpublished ones, seeks to interpret how the action of these groups that resisted to arbitrariness took place. We are faced with political facts that remain almost obscured in the eyes of Sociology. In the search and scouring of episodes that mark this political stage, within the limits of a regional space in the remote Ceará, the work expands the repertoire of sociohistorical diligences regarding the dictatorship and the specific forms of resistance that erupt in the so-called "lead years."

In contemporary times, the imperatives of an aesthetic of hyper performance, sedimented by globalization, neoliberalism and consumption, overflow. It is a culture made explicit in the "do-it-yourself" slogans. The individual seems to be hostage to the logic of the successful subject, that is, only the most competent and well-trained can find a place in a demanding market of adequacy continuous, re-updating and emotional skills. In this context, this research comprises the semiotics implied in the current phenomenon executive coaching. We analyze in the empirical field the series of training videos of the master coach Paulo Vieira, transmitted on Youtube. Throughing this material we seek to also understand how coaching produces the self-design and the aesthetics of hyperperformance from the perspective of the authors Maurizio Lazzarato with the individuated subject/entrepreneur of the self, expressive capitalism and the production of worlds; Gilles Lipovestky, with his premises of the aestheticization of the world and the ethos of lightness; Byung-Chul Han with the performance society, free project of self-coercion and psychopolitics. In fact, executive coaching acts as an aesthetic operator and, therefore, a vector of subjectivation, feeding on schemes centered on the powers of the individual, tracing a set of self practices that form a way of life.

This thesis aims to investigate political conditions that may  facilitate or hinder the collaborative metropolitan governance from three metropolitan areas, based on design features, implementation and management: Vancouver (Canada), Guadalajara (Mexico) and Natal (Brazil). Although different in their particular realities, these regions have experienced common metropolitan challenges with regard to the rapid population growth in the metropolitan area and increased demand for public services, urban mobility, threat to natural resources and the environment, coordination challenges and articulation of the metropolitan region to the federal level and the urban governance required for the sustainable development from territory. The Metro Vancouver, in British Columbia, Canada,  considered the most successful model of collaborative federation in conjunction and cooperation of local governments at the regional level and control of resources and provision of public services has shown progress in refers to the process of decision-making guided by consensus, especially on water governance. The recent debate on collaborative governance as an array of government that demand collective decisions guided by consensus allowing the strengthening of the institutional capacity of governments is used as a theoretical reference. The concept of collaborative governance is also associated with inclusive and consensual democratic governance towards engagement of the private and non-governmental actors in decision-making guided by consensus.

The imagination is an inseparable part of the anthropos (MORIN, 2015; 2012; 2011), integrating all existing dimensions in society and culture. Based on this assumption, the present research aims to problematize the imaginative manifestation in the sociocultural plane, adopting the romanesque narrative of My Foot of Laranja Lima (1995) as main field of study. This is because the novel tells the story of Zeze, a boy who makes use of his imagination in reading reality, through which he prints in himself and in the other romanesque characters multiple meanings from his imagined world. Thus, the literary images (BACHELARD, 2008b) present in the novel will be read under the inspiration of the poetic reverie directed towards childhood (BACHELARD, 2009), since I identify in Zeze attributes related to this dreamy bachelardian infant. The theoretical-methodological course of the research is guided by the phenomenology of the poetic imagination of Gaston Bachelard (2009, 2008), considering that I propose to carry out a poetic reading of the novel buoyed by the literary images gestated in reading daydream. I observed that in the course of the plot traumatic experiences contributed to the suppression of Zeze's imaginative potential, conditioning him to a rational apprehension of reality, no longer supported by the poeticity of his imagined dreams and friends. Imagine, then, did not make Zeze a child with attributes of naivety or passivity - differing from what is commonly associated with children and imagination. On the contrary, the boy's imaginative potential enabled him to reinvent his reality through the feelings and actions instigated by poetically conceived images.

This thesis made possible a theoretical and methodological investigation within the area of Sociology of Cinema through a reflection on three cinematographic works produced in the United States of America. The films Cruising (William Friedkin, 1980), Longtime Companion (Norman René, 1989) and Philadelphia (Jonathan Demme, 1993) were the works researched with the intention of analyzing discourses that cross and construct the concept of visibility of the profiles of the homoerotic characters in each film context. In this case, considering the various possibilities of its reading, it was sought to analyze its approach in a film that precedes the discovery of the Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) and the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), followed by two others that treat directly related to homoerotic relations. The theoretical construction of this thesis was based first on the bibliographical research, understood by Lakatos and Marconi (1992) as the survey of materials already published on the subject. After this phase, the data collected in the spaces investigated were analysed by the discourse analysis developed by Bakhtin (2011), as a method of interpreting the senses that the films develop around the theme of the visibility of the male homoerotic characters. From methods and the readings of theoreticians like Louro (2000; 2008; 2013; 2015), Aumont (2004; 2008; 2012), Perlongher (1987), Trevesian (2000), Rubin (1993), we coud see that the profile of the homoerotic characters in the three films is marked by the historical and moral context of the language and the social, cultural and political model of heteronormativity.

The increase of the litigiousness in the current time has been allowing more and more the search for alternative forms of solution of conflicts. The influence of the Law and the Judiciary itself in social practices are part of the phenomenon of the judicialization of social relations, representing legal and social transformations, with the reorganization of the system itself, bringing with it a plurality of social and legal relations. In this scenario conflicts become an integral element in the relations of humanity. An element of contact and fusion that acts in social interactions being responsible for the varied forms of social relations. The complexity of personal relationships, when connected to the explosion of litigiousness and the crisis of jurisdiction, leads one to consider the deficient state system in the face of the inefficiency of traditional ways of resolving existing conflicts. Taking, considerably, the current perspective of conflict resolution, treated from a new rationality. The family, in this context, by virtue of the dynamism, composed by complex relational webs between its members, becomes a reflection of subjectivity in the relations, being essential to seek knowledge in Legal Sociology. Faced with this social scenario of extreme conflict, the National Council of Justice approved on November 29, 2010 Resolution 125, instituting the National Judicial Policy for the adequate Treatment of Conflicts, encouraging, spreading the systematization and improvement of consensual means. In turn, mediation comprises one of the ways of conflict resolution allowing the creation of a public space to the dialogical practice. Thus, the present research is structured in the following chapters: "The transformations of the family in the contemporary society"; "Public Policy and Mediation: Culture of Sentence for the Culture of Peacemaking; "An ethnomethodological approach of the empirical field" and "The Mediation as art and technique"; presenting as main objective to clarify the structural transformations of the family in society, critically paralleling if the mediation, in the legal field, is an effective alternative in the solution of family conflicts. In this sense, when taking as a starting point, given perspective, research, of a qualitative and quantitative nature; The paper seeks to describe how social practices and representations that characterize conflict mediation within the family are established, including bibliographic review, documentary and field research, questionnaires applied in the CEJUSC / Natal and NUPEMEC / Brasília sectors. As a result, it has been revealed that mediation, as a driving force for social transformation, uses the art of reunion and sharing, and can be an important instrument for the construction of a democratic public space with a positive possibility of social evolution.

The brazilian penal system, under the terms of art. 32 of the penal code, provides for the application of custodial sentences of freedom, restrictive of law and fine. The first are prison sentences, one of the restrictive penalties for the penalty of payment, which must be fulfilled by paying cash values. With the payment of cash penalties, the obligation to apply these resources by the judge of the criminal execution, seeking to meet the public interest and, preferably, prevent the occurrence of new illicitones, one of the objectives of applying the penalties criminal. Thus, in view of the lack of uniformity of the procedure for the application of the resources established with the payment of pecuniary provision, the national council of justice (CNJ), on the condition of the external control body of the judiciary, published resolution n. 154, in 13 July 2012, with the objective of establishing guidelines on the institutional policy of the judiciary in the use of resources arising from the payment of the pecuniary benefit. The research "The institutional policy of the potiguar judiciary in the management of pecuniary penalties: evaluation of implementation in the comarcas of Cruzeta, Acari and Currais Novos" was intended as a general objective to examine the function of the judiciary in the democratic tate of law, as well as a member of the Brazilian state, specifically in the management function of the criminal penalties applied in Brazil. In the specific objectives, it was investigated and discussed the process involving the collection of values and application according to the resolutional ready mentioned, considering the comarcas of Cruzeta, Acari and Currais Novos, respectively of small, medium and large size. The methodological process was in the documentary research of all the values collected and applied between 13.07.2007 to 13.07.2017, in the said judicial units, as well as in the analysis of interviews carried out with the managers about the application of the rule established by CNJ. The results presented by the research demonstrated that even if there is a formal rule to be applied throughout Brazil, there is no uniformity in the area of Rio Grande do Norte in the procedures adopted by the judicial units, evidence that even after 05 (five) years of the existence of a procedure established by the National Council of Justice, the Court of Justice of Rio Grande do Norte did not adopt the means to enhance the objectives of the CNJ in the creation of the resolution, such as training of the people involved in the implementation of the resolution. It was found, on the other hand, that the judicial units object of research successfully implemented the program, with benefits to the population, and that trainings should be promoted with respect to the servers that work with The program and with the institutions themselves presenting the projects.

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In the last decades, we have witnessed significant changes in social relations, which were made possible due to the dissemination of the internet, and also to the creation and constant update of communication tools. In this “admirable connected world”, the way we understand the categories of space and time has changed, since there is a shrinking of space and an acceleration of time caused by the development of transport and communication technologies (HARVEY: 2014), (CASTELLS: 2001). In this context, the development of information networks starts, thus, enabling the existence of a culture in virtual space – the cyberculture. Young people are the main actors in this process, for they contribute to the creation of the internet and to the birth of a virtual culture. Young people reinvent themselves from the possibilities that appear due to these social transformations, given that the new generations are socialized in a reality marked by the network’s space of flows. In this work, we aim to understand how young people from the Seridó region of Rio Grande do Norte deal with this reality, and how this reflects on their sociability. We start from the understanding that the access to technological goods is decisive for the access to virtual spaces in which the social relations among young people are developed. Our research took place in the Advanced Campus of Parelhas, which belongs to the Federal Institute of Education, Science, and Technology of Rio Grande do Norte – IFRN, from January of 2017 until June of 2018. Initially, we applied a questionnaire to 76 young people who were students of the institute, and lived in six different cities within the Seridó region. From this data analysis, we created a script for interviewing ten young people. We aimed to understand the relations established through the networks by having access to technological goods. The research field was the school environment, which is a space that we consider to be a big knot in the sociability network of young people. We verified that: the access to technological goods is decisive for the social place of young people; the geographical space is not decisive regarding the establishment of its social relations, since they are mostly established in the virtual environment. Their projects for the future, as well as their perspective on society, are mostly established in the cyberculture environment, which is the place where they organize and look for references to create their own lifestyles.

This doctoral thesis discuss the interface between contemporary religiosity, specifically the Neo-Pentecostal field, with the society/culture of consumption, studying the relationship between the social position of the individuals and the meanings attributed to the religious experience. Thus, as well, to identify the institutional dynamics of production and reproduction of religious goods in their relationship with the imaginary of the predominant local culture. The chosen field of research were the Igreja Pentecostal Verbo da Vida, Internacional da Graça de Deus, and Presbiteriana Renascer, all in the city of Campina Grande, PB - Brazil. This work was constructed under bourdiesians assumptions, such as those of field, symbolic capital and Habitus, as a way of relating the levels of ownership of capital of the members of each denomination with their location in the delimited social space. The discussions of various authors on Neo-Pentecostalism, religion in modernity and the culture of consumption and consumerism were used. At the same time, the data of our research were raised and analyzed trough questionnaires, interviews, direct and indirect observation. Using this methodology and theoretical apparatus we demonstrated that the faithful-consumers of these denominations have a certain differentiation, as well as discourses offered by the different institutions of the sacred.

The aim of this thesis is to develop a meta-evaluation study of the Institutional Evaluation of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte, in particular, to observe the possibilities that permeate its Efficiency (WHOLEY, 1987). The evaluation of the Efficiency is, therefore, understood as an instrument of apprehension of Viability and Utility of the institutional evaluation of UFRN, our main evaluative categories. Our intention is that, from these, we can apprehend to what extent this evaluation is feasible and useful for meeting the evaluation demands of the academic community. The successive approaches to the theme were based on theoretical-methodological procedures based on qualitative research, such as: literature review (reports, Forums, official research sites, etc.) and documentary (laws, regiments, etc.) and techniques such as content analysis; speech analysis; the semi-structured interview and the focus group. With these we can understand the perceptions of the follow-up of the academic community: Rector, Teachers, Administrative Technicians and Students and the members of the Self Evaluation Commission, on the subject. These data were used to answer the central question of this work: How is the institutional evaluation developed at UFRN and what facilitates or hinders its use? Its relevance is to approach a topic that is not well explored in the scope of the evaluation of public policies, both for entering the universe of the meta-evaluation (SCRIVEN, 2015), and applied here to the evaluation of institutions, as for performing a re-reading of the checklist, Scriven, mediating it with the propositions of Wholey (1987) regarding the normative apparatus, access to material, human and financial resources and political viability, understood by this as necessary elements when we propose to verify the evaluation of an evaluation. This articulation enabled us to understand what, in the UFRN's institutional evaluation, hinders and facilitates its viability and usefulness in meeting the demands and interests of the Academic Community. Our hypothesis is that: In the institutional evaluation of UFRN, the facility varies according to the institutional structure and organization, and the difficulties arise from the lack of attention to the specific demands. To unveil this reality, we adopted as Specific Objectives: to apprehend the type of evaluation developed by UFRN and its relation with the different sectors; to know the evaluation approaches PAIUB and SINAES that base the evaluation of the UFRN; whether the results of the UFRN's institutional evaluation address the demands of the university community. This paper presents the following results: UFRN's institutional evaluation is a consolidated practice. It is important, given that it represents a space of possibilities for the development of more democratic and participatory evaluations, however, in the way that it is effective today, it presents great viability potential for meeting the evaluation demands of UFRN and MEC managers, is facilitated in all its subcategories, normative / legitimization and control; the availability of material, human and financial resources / (re) production conditions, and their political / political-ideological viability, since their actions are related to the interests that are priorities for decision-making spaces. As for the Academic Community, they show little knowledge about the institutional evaluation of UFRN and often confuse it with the specific evaluations, the performance of teachers and technicians. The participation of teachers and students in this process is limited to the moments in which the self-assessment of the courses takes place (activity directed to this end), the semester completion of the teacher evaluation questionnaires and self-assessment of the student / teacher, in addition to ENADE, for the student. For the technicians segment, the participation happens through the completion of a performance evaluation form, in a specific evaluation. This shows less viability to meet their specific demands and, consequently, makes institutional evaluation an instrument of little use to these groups. In view of this we confirm the hypothesis of this work.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the solidary productive practices carried out by the Associação das ProdutorasAgroecológicas da Zona da Mata de Alagoas – APROAGRO, based on the principles of the Economy of Communion (EoC). The effectiveness of the productive dynamics will be considered based on socio-productive tensions. This is a women's association of the Zumbi dos Palmares settlement, at Branquinha/AL, whose family character is aimed at generating income for the residents of the settlement. The activities carried out are essentially agrarian, that is, directed towards family farming and artisanal activities. They aim to be managed and commercialized in a common way, according to the cooperative style of production. The Economy of Communion aims, through the Christian ethics of free and reciprocal sharing of material goods, to create in freedom the division of part of the profits obtained by companies that adhere to this proposal. Intervening with the impoverished from the perspective of their socioeconomic inclusion is the goal to be achieved. It is a project that was launched at Brazil on May, 1991, by the Italian Chiara Lubich (1920-2008), founder of the Catholic Christian religious group called the Movimento dos Focolares(Focolare Movement). The approach will be a case study in the socioeconomic context of APROAGRO as an alternative to the model of capitalist hegemonic production. The main theoretical orientation was based on the perspective of Marcel Mauss's (1974) gift theorythrough which it was possible to discuss the theoretical foundations of the Economy of Communion and relating it the productive practices of the enterprise. When we inquired about the effectiveness and economic viability of the EoC, we assume that the economic development projects that were carried out in the association, under the aegis of the Economy of Communion, it generated socioeconomic improvements for the settlers. Consequently, capital can be considered more humanized insofar as its acquisition and distribution are the results of a solidary productive dynamic.

The thesis approach the social categories of repetition, opposition and adaptation, as proposed by Gabriel Tarde, which are considered essential to the analysis of Brazil’s political phenomena in contemporaneity, through his neomonadologic perspective in which “the universe is composed by other souls besides mine, but deeply similar to mine”. The research aims at reaching a micropolitical dimension of social phenomena pro and against of President Dilma Roussef’s impeachment in the social media, expressed during April to August 2016. I investigate how the interaction of both hashtags founded spaces of resistance in the life spread dimension and in the virtual experiences, contagion networks, social avatars and practices of virality in social network. To understand the variation of imitations and inventions of social phenomena in the social network, we apply the theoretical-methodological model developed by Bruno Latour, through his Actor-Network Theory (ANT), which allowed for reaching an infinitesimal level to explain the reality, by observing flows of beliefs and desire throughout monades. In this sense, I reinstate the power of those political phenomena as an essential moment to open up possibilities to new possible worlds, against the passivity of “no alternative is possible” or as “end of history”.

The present text has as a proposal to reflect about the elements that constitute the place in which is inserted the course of training of teachers of Sociology for Basic Education. Thus, the main objective of the research is to analyze the effectiveness of the degree course in Social Sciences of UFRN in teaching practice in High School. To this end, we seek to indicate some influences of modern scientific thinking in academic context, and the paradox present in the process of modern rationality and the tradition of "bacharelismo" and credentialism in Brazil. We also seek to update the political and social scenario in which the school discipline "Sociology" is inserted, in Brazil, as well as to consider how the university was constituted, its autonomy, forms of structure, productivist logic and teaching corporatism. In addition, we propose an approximation with the origin of Sociology, its presence in the country and the historical context of the teaching of Social Sciences in the country. We use official documents that deal with the teaching of Sociology in Basic Education, such as the Law of Directives and Bases of Education (LDB nº 9.394 / 96), National Curricular Guidelines for High School (DCNEM) (BRAZIL, 2013), National Curricular Guidelines (CPNs) (BRAZIL, 2006), as well as the Pedagogical Political Project of the Social Sciences Course of UFRN (UFRN, PPPCS, 2004). We have as theoretical foundation, among many authors, mainly Almeida (2012), Cambi (1999), Candido (2006), Chevallard (1988), Fernandes (1975, 1995, 2004), Foucault (1975), Freire (2008), Morin (2013a, 2013b), Oliveira (2005), Morena (2013a, 2013b), Morena (2013a, 2013b), Menezes (2008a) 2015), Serres (2013), Tardif (2002) and Weber (2007). In this direction, we signal the central idea of our research: to understand how  the undergraduate degree in Social Sciences of UFRN prepares the egress-teacher for his role as Sociology teacher in High School. We consider, finally, that there are a number of elements involved in the formation of teachers in Sociology for Basic Education, among which we call attention to three that unfold in other components: a) a predominantly baccalaureate culture in the various spheres of the country, As in the degree in Social Sciences of UFRN; B) the structural and productivist university model and teaching corporatism; C) an absence of dialogue that has been established between what is learned in the degree course and what is taught in the middle school, indicating, therefore, a problem of the didactic transposition of contents from Higher Education to High School, The necessary shift from academic knowledge to school knowledge.

The discussion of Democratic Budget in the State of Paraiba and the insertion of the lower classes in the public policy making reflects the experience of this instrument of consolidation of participatory democracy in that unit of the Brazilian federation. This paper has as its main objective to identify how the Participatory Democracy caracterizes itself, to analyze the practical experience of Democratic Budget of Paraiba and to catalogue the experience of the participants of the Democratic Budget in the process of social emancipation and the struggle for citizenship. The theorical and methodological reference is based on the concepts of democracy, participatory democracy and participations discussed by Santos (2002, 2010, 2013, 2016) and supplemented by the reflections of Avritzer (2002, 2007a, 2007b, 2016), Dagnino (2002, 2004, 2006), Jacobi (2000) and Teixeira (2001) in order to achieve a better comprehension of how the political field has been developing in the State of Paraiba through the experiences of Democratic State Budget during the period of 2011-2014. The methodological strategy of the emphirical field was the documental research with interviews made with social subjects who participated in this process and were previously chosen by their experiences in the attempt of answearing the research leading question: Were the negotiation spaces streghtened in the management of the participatory budget in the State of Paraiba? Was there transformation of the dominant practices? Were politically included the social subjects who were excluded? The analysis allowed us to comprehed that it has been able to break with the unique formula of liberal democracy that prevails in Paraiba until its creation by becoming a public space that promotes the approach and articulation between the representative and participatory democracy. Finally, it is through the experience investigated here it was perceived that it is an instrument of expansion of popular participation witn an insipient change in the policy and management culture of the State of Paraiba. It is the reinvention of the participatory democracy through the Democratic State Budget.

The initiatives of latin-american regional integration can be classified in two categories: the hegemonic regionalism and the counter-hegemonic regionalism. The hegemonic regionalism takes this terminology due to the hegemony of the United States of America (USA) in the regional initiatives. Some hegemonic initiatives are: the Americas Free Trade Area (Afta) and the Pacific Alliance (PA). The counter-hegemonic regionalism is characterized for the creation of initiatives with smaller or without US interference, both in the political scope, as much in the economical scope. The initiatives counter-hegemonics are: the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), the Union of South American Nations (UNASUL) and the Community of Latin-American States and Caribbeans (CELAC). The Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) is a hybrid regional initiative, which is not suited to either hegemonic or counter-hegemonic regionalism. Inside the ALBA, the MERCOSUR and the UNASUL were created, respectively, the Council of Social Movements of ALBA (CMS), the Unit to Support the Social Participation (UPS) and the Forum of Citizen Participation (FPC) so that the democracy of the people to be consolidated and deepened. In the context of the CELAC, in protest of the lack of citizen participation, it held the Social Gathering for the Great Homeland. In addition to the proposals "participatory", also looks up the four Latin American regional parliaments: the Andean Parliament, the Central American Parliament (Parlacen), the MERCOSUR Parliament (Parlasur) and the Latin American Parliament (Parlatino). In spite of appearing with such a finality, there are doubts whether the proposals and the parliaments are democratic, inquiring: which space of democracy in Latin American regional integration?. This work aims to understand the processes of latin-american regional Integration, as regards the democracy. The specific objectives are to check the progress of the actions within the CMS, UPS and the FPC proposals (summits, forums, workshops) and the regional parliaments to connect the thematics study of the democracy and of the Latin-American regionalism. The chosen methodology is the neogramsciana approach of International Relations (IR), belonging to the Marxist tradition, which thinks the IR and, specifically, the processes of regional integration as result of the relations of strength between the social classes on a global scale. Research techniques consist of interviews, in search of electronic sites and participation in complementary activities. At the end of the study, the hypothesis suggested that "participatory" proposals and regional parliaments do not contribute significantly to the democratization of latin american regional integration.